On Monday, Interior Minister Gérald Darmanin said that the European Union was preparing to vote “temporary protection for all Ukrainians who will arrive in Europe, that is to say asylum”, while that more than 660,000 people have fled the country since Russia invaded six days ago, according to a UN tally. The Beauvau tenant then mentioned, on the part of France, “economic, human and asylum solidarity”, before bringing together the prefects on Tuesday to organize this reception of refugees. On the same day, the Minister of Transport, Jean-Baptiste Djebbari, announced that French long-distance trains would be free for Ukrainian refugees.
Outstretched hands and solidarity speeches that contrast with the not so distant words of Emmanuel Macron. It was August 16, 2021, regarding the crisis in Afghanistan. The Head of State warned that “Europe alone cannot assume the consequences of the current situation” and that we had to “protect ourselves once morest significant irregular migratory flows”. A change in semantics has appeared in recent days which has not escaped Smaïn Laacher, sociologist and specialist in the forced displacement of populations in the European area: “There is a totally different attitude regarding Ukrainians than towards Syrians, the Kurds, the Afghans…”, he confirms.
Neighboring country and war in the distance
Hélène Thiollet, researcher at the CNRS and teacher at Science Po on international migration, brings a nuance, recalling that voices were already heard in Europe during the crisis in Syria in 2015. In particular that of Angela Merkel, who had opened the borders of Germany to populations fleeing the war. According to the UN, 1.05 million Syrians are currently refugees in Europe. The researcher recognizes this: “At the time, it was only a few disparate and disunited voices, when the Twenty-Seven respond today in a unanimous and united manner on the subject of Ukraine. »
Why such a difference ? First, because the Ukrainian crisis is literally taking place on the border of the EU: Poland, a member of the Union, is Ukraine’s direct neighbour. Hélène Thiollet figures: “Between 85 and 90% of war refugees are in neighboring countries of their Nation of origin”. In fact, the Twenty-Seven no longer have any “buffer” countries, like Turkey, between the war refugees and them, and will have to manage this humanitarian flow. This which would push them, according to the researcher, to adopt a more united, united and demonstrative posture, for lack of an alternative.
Another pragmatic reason put forward: the European Union has been at indirect war with Russia since the invasion of Ukraine. It must show that it does not feel threatened by this influx of refugees. Hélène Thiollet then recalls the migration crisis at the Polish border last November, when Belarus sent Kurdish refugees to the EU borders: “There were fewer than 10,000 refugees, compared to several hundred thousand currently, and the response European Union – in particular the militarization of borders – had been totally abusive and disproportionate, showing fear. »
“Similar” more than “migrants”
Between the Syrians of 2015 or the Kurds of November 2021 and the Ukrainians of today, there is, according to Smaïn Laacher, another fundamental difference: “These are non-Muslim Western whites. European populations are more empathetic towards them and have fewer worries regarding integration into the territory. Themes on Muslim immigration are constantly debated in Europe, which influences our judgment and our outlook when welcoming Syrians or Kurds. »
The sociologist continues: “Ukraine is considered, today even more than yesterday, as a country of the European space. To welcome Ukrainians, in the idea of the Twenty-Seven, is to welcome not a foreigner, not a migrant, not even a refugee, but a fellow man”. Same observation with François Gemenne, researcher and expert in population displacement: “We will tend to be more supportive of people similar to us, who are in a situation in which we can project ourselves and tell ourselves that it might have happened to us. . Proof of this is for the researcher: numerous reports attest that African students are turned back at the Polish border, solidarity mainly concerning white Ukrainians. Another reason for empathy for François Gemenne, unlike the Syrian civil war, “this time there is an aggressor country close to Europe. The threat seems much more concerning to us. »
Would this solidarity then be purely philanthropic on the part of Europeans? Hélène Thiollet wants to be realistic: “Like Germany with the Syrians in 2015, Poland easily welcomes Ukrainians because they can quickly integrate into their labor market”. François Gemenne adds that the majority of Ukrainian refugees are housed with relatives in Poland, making the human flow easier to manage.
What are the long term consequences?
Will this change of vision vis-à-vis refugees last? Opinions differ. “The ‘war in Ukraine’ reminds us that the crisis primarily concerns the country in conflict, and not the countries that are hosting refugees, whereas during the ‘migration crisis’ of 2015, the war in Syria was ignored. This refocusing might last, ”hopes Hélène Thiollet.
For Smaïn Laacher, the effect might be counterproductive: “A hierarchy is being established in migration, which risks making Europe even more hostile to refugees from outside its continent. “And according to François Gemenne, only the future will tell: “It is difficult to know today whether this crisis will profoundly change things or not. But politically, lines have moved in Europe. To see if they also move in public opinion… ”