The rapid decline is difficult to witness… After sixty-four years of navigating through one storm after another, the Senegalese Republic resembles a makeshift raft, cobbled together from various scraps, with a captain who is merely the last cabin boy, tragically thrust into command by the abandonment of the higher-ups.
Between Léopold Sédar Senghor and Bassirou Diomaye Faye, there exists not just a century of distance. The Senegal that Senghor left for future generations is undeniably a nation that has been declared poor by the unforgiving metrics of the global economy; it still commands respect and envy.
In contrast, Diomaye Faye’s Senegal elicits condescension and pity.
Poverty resides in the mind: Senghor, this pretentious aristocrat, is unable to understand the thought processes of those who are impoverished… Since the early days of our independence, there has been a demand for Senegalese representation at the tables of influence, such as at the helm of Air Afrique or UNESCO, while Isaac Forster occupies a position at the International Court of The Hague.
When Senghor called upon the black world to congregate in Dakar in 1966, individuals arrived from all corners of the globe to celebrate black artistry. Only the uneducated, the impoverished, and the marginalized viewed it as a waste of resources.
At that time, the battle against famine was practically doomed from the start. The former metropolis, whose destructive capacity is legendary, continues to lay traps to maintain dependency among its emancipated colonies. This is due to its promise of progress and modernity, while simultaneously forcing upon us the nightmare of our destitution, our frailties, and our cultural deficiencies.
Faced with figures like De Gaulle or Pompidou, on the continent, we contend with leaders like Bokassa, Idi Amin Dada, Houphouët-Boigny, Bongo, and Mobutu Sese Seko Kuku Mwengu Waza Banga (meaning: the rooster in the henhouse harms every hen).
In this context, the child of Joal emerges as a unique head of state.
During Senghor’s presidency, he did not hesitate to dismiss a minister simply due to a breach of decorum. One Sunday, the Minister of Hydraulics, after indulging in a boozy lunch at the Colisée on Maginot Avenue, sang the Marseillaise and displayed the French flag in the company of others. The intelligence services highlighted the absurdity of this action.
The hand of the President who signed his dismissal did not waver.
In 1968, Maître Doudou Thiam, a charismatic lawyer and Senegal’s first Minister of Foreign Affairs, who became the nation’s de facto leader following December 1962, inherited the Economic and Social Council. An unfortunate statement led to his downfall; he was dismissed before he could even take office.
Despite being the architect of the Constitution of the Federation of Mali, Master Doudou Thiam inherited the legacy of the esteemed lawyer Léon Boissier-Palun, who defended Senegalese railway workers in the late forties—rebels who forced the colonial power to yield. Boissier-Palun, who hosted Deputy Senghor during his visits to Senegal, was the first patron of the BDS, which elevated the “khaki deputy” in Senegalese politics and overshadowed Lamine Guèye; in essence, he was one of the unsung heroes of our independence. “There are services so significant that they can only be repaid with ingratitude,” professes Alexandre Dumas: Master Léon Boissier-Palun, born to a Dahomean mother and a Marseille father, has no street named after him in a country to which he generously contributed his efforts when everything seemed lost.
Let’s return to our dismal Senegalese fare…
During the inauguration of President Diouf, Senghor’s successor who spared him a contentious electoral campaign, on January 1, 1981, the first president of the Supreme Court, Kéba Mbaye, pointed out: “The Senegalese are tired!”
Since this bold assertion made in front of a president resigned to his weakened state, our fellow citizens, who have adopted it as their motto, have ample reason to resign themselves to a culture of pity.
In 1988, the year when economics and law professor, opposition leader Abdoulaye Wade sold dreams with “the price of a kilo of rice at forty francs,” a comic character epitomized this conscious choice: “Goorgoorlou,” as he called himself, was created by Alphonse Mendy, known as TTFons, a renowned cartoonist from the satirical publication Le Cafard Libéré. The ultimate ambition of this beloved character, who inspired a television series, is to enjoy millet couscous with chicken.
This is not an environment conducive to nurturing captains of industry.
Before this, Parliament began welcoming illiterate members. Applauding and shouting “Long live Senghor!” as was customary at the time did not require a Nobel Prize in science. However, there was still a desire to avoid embarrassment and to exhibit some decorum.
In those long-ago days, the Republic of Senegal possessed a certain class, understood as the capability to command respect.
When did our country descend into obscurantism, display its desperate poverty, and become reliant on charity? For years, news broadcasts have demonstrated a remarkable ability to glorify the generosity of wealthy nations: if it’s not an ambulance presented before the cameras by a government minister, it’s sheep carcasses from Mecca bringing joy to the impoverished populace that Senegalese have become.
Yet, there is no shortage of ingenious and daring compatriots striving to conquer the world in efforts to wipe their mothers’ tears, send their fathers to Mecca, and secure a brighter future for their younger siblings, all while leaving behind a wife to attend to the starving family.
In the seventies, Senghor entrusted his Minister of Finance, Babacar Bâ, with the immense task of creating wealthy individuals of local origin; the legendary K2 account not only fulfilled the dreams of fame and fortune but also sparked jealousy, including from the Prime Minister, Abdou Diouf, concerned by the Minister’s rising influence. The head of government ultimately seized control of this account, which he would later close, with the assistance of the nominal opposition leader Laye Wade, who would never forgive Babacar Bâ for his tenure as Minister of Finance in his stead, succeeding Jean Collin.
The Diouf years witnessed the triumph of second-hand clothing, with its precursors becoming prosperous owners of the SOTIBA-SIMPAFRIC group, which produced fabric for the perpetually broke and ultimately closed, a victim of a CEO’s extravagant lifestyle.
Small-mindedness became the state religion that trimmed the public service and diminished the education system to the point where it could barely produce graduates in significant numbers. Abdou Diouf initiated and promoted mutual societies that established businesses worth twenty-five thousand francs, just enough to buy a dilapidated wooden stall in front of one’s home, displaying three cabbages, two tomatoes, and a slice of smoked fish.
Wade’s political offerings were no better… The “Pope of Sopi,” under Diouf, rid himself of trained executives and sought to find untrained individuals to manifest his desire for change, the “Sopi.” He spoke to the sentiments of the Senegalese: you are wretched, and I share your indignation like no one else.
This trend continues with Macky Sall, twelve years later, as he increases acts of charity: family scholarships and other assistance to alleviate the unbearable struggles of the poor descendants of Senegalese riflemen, who can at least boast of enjoying a dessert.
The Republic undeniably loses its dignity when a Farba Senghor can become a minister and a Cheikh Amar dominates the business realm.
While the Senghor regime forced an aristocratic posture and aimed to cultivate captains of industry, the eras of Diouf, Wade, Macky, and finally Diomaye relentlessly persecute Senegalese who are simply eager to be honorable, glorifying ignorance and deifying poverty.
A sign of the times: Pierre Goudiaby Atepa, known as “Pierre the Builder” during the Senghor years, became “Pierre the Demolisher” half a century later. In the seventies, the architect was known for erecting towers and envisioned constructing entire metropolises on the continent, with heads of state proudly boasting of his counsel; Wade later appointed him his éminence grise in the early 2000s, allowing him to dream even bigger; among these megalomaniacs, we act like thieves in a market… The Atepa of the Macky years is reduced to feuding with an Aby Ndour for a fragment of cornice and responding in court to a defamation suit brought by Adji Raby Sarr; the Atepa of the Diomaye era has a different fantasy—his ultimate aspiration appears to be to demolish a building…
The Evolution of Senegal: A Journey from Senghor to the Present Day
The dizzying fall is painful to see… After sixty-four years of sailing, storm after storm, the Senegalese Republic looks like a raft patched together with odds and ends, whose captain is the last cabin boy who is fatally propelled to the helm by the desertion of the admirals.
The Legacy of Léopold Sédar Senghor
Between Léopold Sédar Senghor and Bassirou Diomaye Faye, two children of Sine, there is not only a century of distance. The Senegal that Senghor bequeaths to posterity is a nation rich in culture and pride, even as it battles poverty. Once, the Senegalese were held in high esteem, the world inviting them to partake in global discourse. This was the era when Senghor called the black world to Dakar in 1966, and they came from all corners of the planet to celebrate black arts.
From Pride to Pity
Today, Diomaye Faye’s Senegal inspires condescension and pity. The legacy of poverty seems ingrained in the collective mindset. Senghor, despite being an aristocrat, failed to grasp the realities of his people’s suffering; he envisioned a Senegalese at the pinnacle of international organizations, yet local struggles persisted.
Economic Challenges and Political Figures
The post-independence landscape of Senegal has been marked by figures such as Bokassa, Mobutu, and various regional leaders whose mismanagement contributed to a climate of dependency.
The Political Struggles
Senegal has gone through phases where political values were challenged—where decorum was once paramount, it seems to have faded into neglect. For instance, in 1968, after a casual incident involving a minister, a bold decree from Senghor demonstrated his unwavering commitment to propriety in governance.
Socio-Economic Shift
In the years leading up to the current administration, Senegal has navigated numerous socio-economic transformations:
- **Abdoulaye Wade’s Era** (2000-2012): Promises of economic revival led to varying degrees of success.
- **Macky Sall’s Leadership** (2012-present): Focused on infrastructural developments amidst rising criticisms of governance.
Demographics and Poverty
Throughout these years, poverty has become a prevailing theme. The discourse surrounding it often evokes an image of a nation reliant on charity, with televised celebrations of foreign aid marking national broadcasts. Instances of government initiatives to alleviate poverty, while prominent, are ephemeral in effectively changing the entrenched socio-economic difficulties.
Creative Minds and Social Commentary
Remarkably, despite these hardships, Senegalese creativity flourishes. Cultural commentators reflect social realities through mediums like satire:
- **Goorgoorlou:** A satirical comic character embodying the aspirations and struggles of ordinary Senegalese people.
- **Pierre Goudiaby Atepa:** An architect whose career reflects the nation’s evolving aspirations—from monumental projects to the current focus on smaller-scale endeavors.
First-Hand Experiences: Voices from the Ground
During the Diouf years, the focus shifted towards mutual societies aimed at fostering small business development. The stark reality was that while many sought entrepreneurial ventures, systemic barriers often thwarted their ambitions. Growing disenchantment among citizens led to a phenomenon where respect for governance was overshadowed by a struggle for basic sustenance.
Case Study: The Clothing Industry
The 1988 rise of second-hand clothing industries exemplified this shift. As local clothing manufacturers struggled, various street-level entrepreneurs found ways to sell imported clothing, reflecting a complex relationship between globalization and local economies.
| Year | Significant Event | Impact |
|---|---|---|
| 1966 | Conference of Black Arts | Global recognition of Senegal’s cultural heritage |
| 1988 | Emergence of Second-Hand Clothing | Local industries affected; new economy established |
| 2000 | Election of Abdoulaye Wade | Hope for economic reforms |
| 2012 | Macky Sall’s Election | Focus on infrastructure amidst rising poverty |
Reflections on Modern Governance
Today, as Senegal finds itself in a cycle of dependency, the narratives told by politicians often revolve around themes of charity and humanitarianism, overshadowing the possibilities of self-sustaining growth. Macky Sall’s measures, however well-intentioned, seem to belabor a nation becoming increasingly accustomed to subsistence rather than encouraging industry and innovation.
The Way Forward: Reclaiming Dignity in Governance
To emerge from this cycle, Senegal needs visionary leaders who understand the depth of their people’s resilience. It’s crucial to shift focus from external aid to fostering local talent and entrepreneurship, thereby rekindling pride in national identity and governance.
