2024-03-30 02:30:00
Radicals are credited with worrying more regarding their party’s internal affairs than regarding electoral competition with others. This probably began when the possibilities of electoral victory for president ceased to exist. Perhaps, and for the same reason, this is beginning to happen with Peronism, where surprisingly the Kirchnerists’ criticism of Alberto Fernández/Guzmán is much greater than that of Milei.
While, on the contrary, in the PRO, everyone defends and closes ranks when judging Macri’s presidency despite the fact that poverty also increased and the inflation received doubled, making the growth of the economy even worse: the Gross Product fell by two four years of Fernández and three of the four of Macri.
Probably the media with the largest audience have contributed to presenting Alberto Fernández’s government as the worst in history, carrying on its shoulders being the signifier of the decline of all previous governments that also failed, added to the fact that in the collective unconscious Fernández represents a metonymy of the pandemic with all the depressive mark it left.
And adding to the explanation of the PJ’s current internalism is the especially sectarian culture of Kirchnerism that before, even though they were electorally invincible, openly denigrated Duhalde and Menem from their own party.
Two other symptoms of the “radicalization” of Peronism are that of becoming a federation of provincial subparties: Buenos Aires Peronism, that of the interior of the governors and the white Peronism of Córdoba, which has been happening for years with radicalism, which It has local figures who repeatedly win governorships and mayorships but do not find a candidate who succeeds at the national level. And the other similarity between the PJ and the UCR is that different segments of its central trunk went on to found other parties over the years: developmentalism in the 60s, López Murphy’s Recrear in 2002, the Civic Coalition and the Gen by Margarita Stolbizer contemporaneously. While in the current PJ those segments are the Federal Peronism (Randazzo), the Republican Peronism (Pichetto) and until not so long ago the now recovered Renewal Front (Massa).
Just as Baglini’s theorem maintains that the degree of responsibility of the proposals of a party or political leader is directly proportional to its possibilities of accessing power, another might be constructed that maintains that the degree of cohesion of a party is directly proportional to their chances of accessing power. Until 2019, Peronism was famous because it aligned itself behind whoever was leading, whether conservative like Menem or progressive like Néstor Kirchner, while the radicals did internal work even in power, as happened with De la Rúa when the most progressive radicals were their worst critics. . This same thing has now been transferred to Peronism with Alberto Fernández and Kirchnerist Peronism as its worst critic.
The best example is the statements that resonated this week from the two main figures of La Cámpora. First Máximo Kirchner: “There is a government (Milei) that, until now, has shown little distance between what it says and what it does (…) if we say ‘we are going to go to war once morest inflation’ (Alberto Fernández ), then let’s go to war once morest inflation, because verbalizing things doesn’t mean they happen. This government, with its ways and its ways, with which I do not share a single one, carries out what it says.” “I still remember the words of the president (Alberto Fernández) explaining the benefits of an agreement (with the IMF) that never came. As the fall in purchasing power deepened, society began to feel a lot of frustration and understood that the two previous political forces had failed to manage the State and organize the numbers.” (See full report by journalist Roberto Caballero at bit.ly/Maximo-Alberto).
Then Peter’s Wado:
“I laugh a lot when they say that we lost because we had arguments, because we make the discussions public. The other day in a basic unit I gave you an example. Suppose there are twenty of us and we have to go in a van to Mar del Plata and someone drives. We go 100 kilometers and a passenger who has already gone and came with the same minivan tells him: ‘Hey, we’re going to run out of gas’, and the driver tells him: ‘No, let me arrive safely, I’m going well, that was before ‘Now I’m going to go slower, I’m going more calmly, this is how it works, because you were very anxious.’ So we’re halfway there and ( once more): ‘Hey, we’re out of gas.’ A very strong discussion is breaking out to see if we have to stop, if we have to recalculate. And the guy keeps going and we run out of gas. Some say: ‘We didn’t arrive because they started arguing.’ No, we didn’t make it because we didn’t put gas in it. So a Peronist government cannot win if the workers’ salary is below the poverty line, we did not do what we had to do.” (See complete dialogue between Wado de Pedro and Pedro Rosemblat at bit.ly/Wado-Guzman).
Martín Guzmán came out to respond to Wado de Pedro asking: “Was gasoline more of a fiscal deficit with monetary emission? Wasn’t a reduction in pro-rich subsidies for energy consumption to have to finance less deficit with an anti-worker inflation tax better fuel? And an exchange scheme that did not encourage the amortization of private sector debts and thus be able to accumulate reserves when there was a trade surplus?
But the one who responded most forcefully to Wado’s criticism of Pedro and Máximo Kirchner was the director of El Destape, Roberto Navarro, who recalled that the discussions did not begin over gasoline “halfway” (beginning of 2022) but with a tweet from Cristina three months following the pandemic began in July 2020. And Navarro added: “The speech of ‘officials who do not work’ was in October, when the vaccines had not yet arrived and at that time we should have been congratulating the government because What happened to us in Italy or Spain did not happen to us, we did not have refrigerated trucks full of corpses, we did not have overflowing hospitals. El Cuervo (Larroque) said yesterday that this intern meant that instead of doing what one has to do as an official party, which is to show the good and hide the bad, what we did was show the bad and hide the good”(… .) Cristina does not want to be president, but she wants to manage the president, the governor, everyone.”
Following the metaphor, the government of Alberto Fernández/Guzmán would have run out of gasoline due to internal discussions that forced it to consume more energy and not, on the contrary, the discussions began when and because they ran out of gasoline. Navarro blamed her for the 2023 defeat, saying “Cristina put Insaurralde in knowing it was a time bomb.” (See the full editorial by Roberto Navarro at bit.ly/Navarro-Cristina)
The discussion that was repressed in the Peronist Congress last Friday the 22nd in search of unity emerged on its own. As Freud indicated: what is repressed returns with greater force.
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