Cristina does not tolerate Alberto Fernández as president for another minute. He cannot and should not say so, but that is what he conveys and that is what makes her anguish: he still has almost two years left in office, in a few months it will be necessary to start drawing up the guidelines of the electoral campaign, and an instinctive movement of his part might cause devastating effects on an already too weak government. Also, and perhaps especially, these effects might implode your own figurewho was the one who designed the remarkable experiment that brought Alberto to the presidency and from which he is now trying to distance himself, just when the two are standing on the edge of the precipice, cut off from each other, and seeing how they are saved.
Alberto exacerbates Cristina’s feelings every time he says that he will stand for re-election or that, out of a good heart, he will open the primaries of the Frente de Todos. He did it once more this week. He does so in the face of certain reactions from the head of the coalition, who privately lets loose the version that by 2023 half a dozen candidates might be enlisted to replace him, ranging from Eduardo de Pedro to Daniel Scioli. In some cases, even accompanied by herself in the formula. In those imaginary scenarios, he always excludes the possibility of re-election. In his head, anyone is better than Alberto.
Albertists feel that the crisis has stripped his partner naked in front of society and that it has taken a dynamic that, put to compare misfortunes, leaves her in a worse place. Of marginality, when not of irrationality. Military once morest the agreement with the Monetary Fund, for example.
Once once more, the head of state flirts with emancipation. Although few take it seriously, he plays to ignore Cristina and among his ministers the idea is installed that the climate is terrible from an institutional point of view, but at the same time an opportunity to speed up management without having to call the Institute every time Homeland. The phones of the presidential duo may continue to be cut off for a long time.
Faced with this new and uncertain panorama, the cristinistas wonder if Alberto acts as a provocateur, as a cynic or if he is really overwhelmed and bewildered. Other voices believe that he premeditatedly abuses his institutional responsibility, given Cristina’s determination not to break up and not allow herself to resign.
The disquisition was addressed this week following listening to his interview, on Tuesday, on the radio El Destape. The testimony was analyzed neatly, almost with delight, by the camporista parishioners, who he found it bizarre from start to finish. Those who walked with the dome of La Cámpora the 13 kilometers that separate the former ESMA from Plaza de Mayo can attest. And those who chatted while Fernández spoke live on the radio much more.
If they do something to Alberto it is audit every word. He should know: they still reproach him for an interview Jorge Fontevecchia did with him last December. In that dialogue they asked him how important Cristina’s advice was. She said not too much because when she ruled she was another world.
On Tuesday, the President admitted at the beginning of the report that the previous day he had discussed in private with the host of the program, Roberto Navarro, regarding the criticism of his editorial. Alberto would have urged to continue the conversation on the air. It lasted for 52 minutes. Fernández immersed himself in labyrinths that caused horror in the vice. Not only because of the content, but also because of the tone and because of something that she often repeats: it seems that she does not respect the presidential investiture.
Fernández alluded to her when he affirmed that the governing alliance cannot be broken due to “selfishness or narcissism”, when he said that he does not have “bosses” and when he ratified that it must be understood that the one who drives is the one who sits in the armchair. Rivadavia. He added criticism towards Máximo Kirchner, without naming him, when he assured that they did not accompany him in transcendent measures.
It was none of that, however, that was most irritating to Christianity. The most dramatic thing was when he said: “I spent my whole life talking regarding what Nestor did and suddenly the turns of life put me in his place, what do you want me to do?” The turns of life and not Cristina.
Andrés Larroque was designated to answer him. The same day of the march for the National Day of Memory for Truth and Justice, the Buenos Aires minister and secretary general of La Cámpora reminded him that when he was campaign manager for Florencio Randazzo he got only 4 percent of the votes ( in reality it was 5.7%) and took the opportunity to download the line: neither they nor Cristina can leave a place that belongs to them. The intruder is the other.
The Albertists intend to “avoid hyperpoliticization” to which they say their partners want to lead them and close the door to a negotiation with conditions. The main swords of the Casa Rosada reveal that in recent days they were consulted informally to find out if Alberto he would be willing to hand over the head of Martín Guzmán in exchange for a truce with Cristina. Of a truce and a return to dialogue. “It’s him or her. Let him choose ”, was one of the messages that arrived. The answer would not be positive. As always, given the background, nothing is definitive. It’s just a snapshot of the moment.
Christianity intends to change economic policy but the Cabinet closes ranks with Guzmán. The ministers say that things are bad, but not so bad. Beyond the agreement with the Fund, three encouraging pieces of information were released this week. Unemployment fell to 7% in the fourth quarter of 2021 (the lowest in five years), economic activity closed with a rise of 10.3% in 2021 and the February trade balance marked a positive balance of 809 million dollars .
The tragedy is still inflation. We will have to prepare for a year of records. More bad news is imminent: in March there will be increases close to 6%; in Economy they cross their fingers so that the jump in food does not escalate to two figures. The unions put pressure and begin to close parity for four months.
The non-Christian wing of the government feels that two years were wasted asking for permission to do something or to try to guess what Cristina would like. Alberto got rid of his favorite ministers and even his spokesperson. And he had to put up with the resignation of a dozen officials who shook his administration, but in the end they stayed. The harassment never stopped.
“We have to end the palace discussions”, Alberto maintains in private. He says so, though—judging by his introductions—he doesn’t quite believe it might be possible. “Let’s ignore the conflict and move on as if the other party did not exist,” proposed one of his most faithful collaborators.
In those meetings that take place at the top of power, in recent days a question has arisen: “What if there is a new letter from Cristina? What do we do?”. They say the answer encompassed a single word: “Nothing”.