2024-01-15 06:02:46
The three eldest children of President Andrés Manuel López Obrador are once once more at the center of the public arena, very agitated and inflamed by various issues that, however, have not been impactful enough to hide the recent accusations regarding conflicts of interest and corruption in those that have been pointed out. The journalistic revelations took everyone in the National Palace by surprise, which once once more inflamed the president who strongly scolded his collaborators, in particular the spokesperson Jesús Ramírez Cuevas, for what he described as their inability to find out and anticipate this type of reports. that hit you below the waterline and damage your honesty speech.
The report that most affected the president, due to his personal hatred once morest the journalist Carlos Loret, was the investigation by the experienced reporter Mario Gutiérrez published on the Latinus portal, regarding Gonzalo López Beltrán, the third eldest son of López Obrador whose adventures had remained below the public radar, which he defines as “articulator of a business and influence peddling network that controls billions of pesos in the construction of the Mayan Train,” revealed by Amílcar Olán, a close friend of Gonzalo and his brother. Andrés, who had also benefited from a million-dollar contract for the sale of medicines in Quintana Roo.
Gutiérrez discovered that Gonzalo supervises the sections of the Mayan Train and “the million-dollar ballast business,” which is the crushed stone that goes under the train tracks. Mario Maldonado, business and political columnist The universalprovided more information regarding this case uncovered in Latinus, and revealed that Amílcar Olán sold the ballast to the Ministry of Defense at a premium of almost 70% compared to the same material purchased from other suppliers, and that the companies linked to Gonzalo and Andrés, the president’s influential second son, sold the ballast 55% higher than what the government paid to Cuba, when the president financially supported that regime.
In the same week, reporters Raúl Olmos and Vanessa Cisneros revealed in Mexicans Against Corruption and Impunity that the company Brick Contratistas, registered in the Commercial Registry of Mexico City two weeks following López Obrador won the presidential election , received a contract of 400 million pesos for the sixth stage of the Malecón de Villahermosa, which by presidential instructions was supervised by a friend of his son. Brick Contratistas has as shareholders a capital fund created by Luis Doporto Alexandre, mentioned in the Panama Papers, and the distributors of “Grava y Arena”, the street furniture brand of Hugo Buentello, a former Segalmex official, where the crime was committed. biggest known fraud of the six-year term so far, and is part of Andrés’ network of friends.
The week of embarrassing and delicate revelations for the president initiated by Latinus, fell like a meteorite in the National Palace, where the president ordered Ramírez Cuevas to carry out immediate damage control. The spokesperson was completely overwhelmed because in the morning there were several journalists other than those who are on his salary and under his control, who asked López Obrador for his reaction, which, as is his tactic, denied and attacked the delivery courier.
López Obrador ordered that Latinus be permanently and rigorously monitored, since they do not know what more information they may have and how serious it is. Until now this had only been ordered to be done on Loret, who for almost six months, along with another political columnist, has been the object of espionage ordered by the president, with instructions to delve into the private lives of both journalists so that it can be exploited by López Obrador and his cyber sniper networks.
The president knows well, because he is a careful reader of polls, that the issue of corruption strongly violates his narrative of honesty and integrity, and that it is the accusation that most impacts his popularity. The latest survey of The financialshowed that López Obrador closed the year with stable approval (it remains at 55%), but showed a drop in the perception of the fight once morest corruption (2%), and a drop in his honesty of 11%.
López Obrador must be aware of what this series of revelations can provoke in an election year, and he has strong concerns regarding what accusations of corruption might affect his three eldest children – José Ramón, the first-born, eccentric and voyeuristic, has been surrounded by accusations regarding conflicts of interest -, at the end of his six-year term, as suggested by the fact that two years ago he asked Attorney General Alejandro Gertz Manero to design a legal strategy to shield them from any incrimination of having participated in or benefited from illicit businesses.
In the movements that the National Palace is developing to neutralize accusations of corruption and neutralize journalistic investigations, reflection on the reasons is absent because this type of informations. Journalists have taken good care of their sources, but who can provide clues or information regarding the Lopezes’ alleged corruption networks? The level of detail allows us to conjecture that the information is internal, which leads to a reflection absent from the president and his advisors.
Let’s see. If the revelations regarding corruption in his most intimate environment have been occurring since the months in which his power was immense and his ability to respond autocratically with all the instruments, judicial, fiscal and political at his disposal was immeasurable, the growing number of investigations The journalistic reports that are being registered show that the fear of López Obrador is ending and that quality sources of information are beginning to open up and take their toll.
We are 10 months away from a change in government, and the potential for more revelations to emerge regarding the probable corruption of his children is highly feasible, as shown by the concern that the Latinus investigation caused in the National Palace.
X: @rivapa
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