2023-04-22 10:23:06
The former president is due to testify this Wednesday (26) in the investigation opened by the PF to investigate the invasions and depredations of the buildings of the three Powers.
Fabio Serapião
Brasilia DF
Alexandre de Moraes’ vote to accept the complaint once morest the first one hundred accused of the January 8 coup attacks signals how the minister of the STF (Federal Supreme Court) organizes the attack he will make once morest Jair Bolsonaro (PL).
The former president is due to testify this Wednesday (26) in the investigation opened by the Federal Police to investigate the invasions and depredations of the buildings of the three Powers. He is the target of 1 of the 4 open investigations, the one that targets the masterminds of the attacks.
Moraes was the first to vote, on the 18th, for the acceptance of the accusations offered by the Attorney General’s Office —the trial has a majority formed, by 8 votes to 0, and will run until Monday (24).
In the vote, Moraes points to the relationship between the evidence gathered regarding the masterminds of the January attacks and that collected in recent years in two investigations reported by him: the fake news and digital militias inquiries.
The minister even mentions that these investigations already target Bolsonaro’s relatives, such as his children Eduardo and Flávio and allies such as Bia Kicis (PL-DF), Carla Zambelli (PL-SP) and Otoni de Paula (MDB-RJ).
By indicating the list of cases, in particular with the digital militias inquiry, Moraes signals that, to point Bolsonaro as one of the masterminds of the attacks at the beginning of the year, he will use all the evidence collected since 2019.
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In practice, the minister considers January 8 as one of the events linked to the criminal organization investigated in the militia inquiry.
The inquiry, originally called anti-democratic acts, brings together all of Bolsonaro’s coup attempts once morest institutions and their role in spreading fake news and misinformation.
In this way, January 8th appears alongside other coup attacks, such as the live on July 29, 2021 with speeches once morest the electoral system; the leak of the inquiry into the attack on the TSE (Superior Electoral Court); the spread of misinformation regarding vaccines; and the preparations for September 7, 2021, when the president offended Moraes and also made coup demonstrations.
The understanding of the PF since the opening of the militia inquiry is that each of these episodes is an event carried out by the same alleged criminal organization investigated by police chief Denisse Ribeiro, and which became the target of police chief Fabio Shor.
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In the case of the July 2021 live, the PF placed Bolsonaro as a central figure and encourager of coup attacks once morest the polls and the spread of misinformation.
As Folha showed in May 2022, the militias’ inquiry was already seen by the PF as a shield once morest Bolsonaro’s coup attempts, among them, a possible action such as the invasion of the Capitol, in the United States, on January 6, 2021 .
The interpretation in the PF at that time was that Bolsonaro, if he lost the election, would use the dissemination of disinformation to encourage his supporters to do something along the lines of what happened following the defeat of Donald Trump.
Bolsonaro’s coup attempts were not only maintained during the election period, but also in an attempt to create a narrative regarding the use of radio in favor of Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva (PT), but also increased following his defeat.
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Still on the day of the second shift, the Federal Highway Police failed to comply with an order by Moraes and expanded inspections of passenger transport vehicles, especially in the Northeast region, as revealed by Folha.
The PRF case, for example, was used by Moraes to keep former Minister Anderson Torres, who headed the Ministry of Justice under Bolsonaro, in prison.
He mentioned that testimonies of witnesses and seizure of documents point to “strong indications of the participation of the applicant [Torres] in the elaboration of an alleged ‘coup draft’ and in a ‘coup operation’ by the PRF to try to subvert the legitimate popular participation in the second round of the 2022 presidential elections”.
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In the days following the defeat, the president also kept his supporters on the alert, without acting to demobilize the coup camps in front of barracks and roadblocks once morest the election result.
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During this period, before Lula’s inauguration, as shown by the draft seized at Torres’ house, the president’s group would have suggested declaring a state of defense at the TSE to avoid the PT’s diplomacy.
At the end of the year, the coup escalation gained momentum until it culminated in the January 8 attacks.
In early December, Bolsonaristas who were camped in front of the Army HQ in Brasília tried to invade the PF building and vandalized vehicles in the federal capital. Weeks later, on Christmas Eve, a supporter of the president installed a bomb in a fuel truck parked near Brasília airport.
All these coup attacks and the escalation of violence culminated in scenes of destruction in the Praça dos Três Poderes and caused the public discourse of the former president and his allies to collapse, who highlighted the demonstrations as orderly and peaceful and sought to associate violent protests with groups of left.
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