2023-05-07 03:57:26
Gerardo Milman’s secretary, who declared last year that he had deleted the contents of his cell phone to protect his privacy, appeared unexpectedly on Friday at Comodoro Py and asked to testify for the third time in the case regarding the attempted murder of Cristina Fernández de Kirchner. She there she revealed, among other things –according to her she was able to reconstruct Page 12— that he had not actually emptied the phone of his own free will but They took her to the offices of Patricia Bullrich, where an expert spent four hours eliminating everything on her device., that of another adviser and that of the deputy of Together for Change, who was still the campaign manager for the presidential candidate. That same day, hours before, CFK had announced that it would challenge the judge in charge of investigating the attack, María Eugenia Capuchetti, and focused on the lack of progress on the “Milman track”, one of the possible ways to track if there was some intellectual author of the shot that miraculously missed.
The witness in question is Ivan Bohdziewicz, one of the collaborators who was with Milman in the Casablanca bar when another congressional official heard him say “when they kill her, I’m on my way to the coast” two days before the attack. The other one that was there is Carolina Gomez Monacothe former Miss Argentina who in 2017 was appointed despite her lack of record to direct the Crime Intelligence School of the Bullrich-Millman administration in the Ministry of Security.
Ivana was kicked out of the Milman offices at the beginning of January, but her partner is still there. For several days she wanted to testify before the prosecutor Carlos Rívolo, that she has now delegated the case. On her behalf, a lawyer appeared last Tuesday with a formal request to testify, but they told him that the prosecutor was regarding to take leave, and that it seemed convenient to wait for her return. On Wednesday she received a summons for May 10.
Gómez Mónaco had just reappeared following three months, with messages asking her how she was doing and telling her, in a friendly tone, that she wanted to see her. When even the letter where Bohdziewicz requested to expand his testimony was not uploaded in the court system, Gómez Mónaco would have started to send him messages in a different tone and as if he had found out regarding his request to the prosecution: “Now what do you want to declare?” He warned him that a certain “Diego”, who would be a lawyer close to Bullrich, was asking for explanations and forwarded him an audio from him. This man is the one who, apparently, advised them since they were summoned to give testimony. “Do not betray me”his former partner would also have warned him.
Bohdziewicz understood all this as intimidation, did not want to wait any longer and went directly to Comodoro Py, to the prosecutor’s ticket table. They gave it some thought but in the end the prosecutor Alejandra Mangano, who subrogates Rívolo these days, took the testimony. She left the messages and audios in question to be analyzed.
An obstacle course
Both advisers, Bohdziewicz and Gómez Mónaco, had declared for the first time on October 26 of last year. At first they pretended not to remember having been in Casablanca, an emblematic restaurant on the corner of Congress, but suddenly their memory returned when they were shown the videos. that showed them entering the place with Milman on the date and at the time indicated by the witness, who had provided his account a month earlier. Then they had contradictions regarding whether or not there had been talk of a trip by the deputy to Pinamar, which actually existed. Despite the insistence of Cristina Kirchner’s complaint, Judge Capuchetti and prosecutor Rívolo did not seize their cell phones at that time. This would only materialize in December, following the Federal Chamber agreed with the vice president’s claim.
According to Bohdziewicz’s new statement, according to those close to the cause, on November 10 of last year he met for coffee with Gómez Mónaco and they discussed the issue of cell phones and the possibility that they might finally be kidnapped. Carolina would have tried to scare her with the argument that they would violate her privacy and review her personal life and she told him -according to the statement- that they would go see Milman. The deputy was waiting for them in some offices that Ivana attributed to Bullrichwhich would be logical because he placed them at 900 Avenida de Mayo and it is precisely at number 953 of that street where the offices of the Institute for Strategic Security Studies (IEES) are located, the foundation that the pre-candidate manages and through which He accuses her of having diverted funds for his campaign.
There, according to the story, they arrived around three in the followingnoon and stayed for four hours. Milman was waiting for them with a computer expert who would be trusted by Patricia Bullrich (although she was not there). He asked the three of them for the devices and dedicated himself throughout that period to deleting the content.. Bohdziewicz said that his phone had personal and office information, but he did not know what those of the deputy and Gómez Mónaco had. While that was happening, the lawyer they called “Diego” was participating on speakerphone. One of the issues they discussed had to do with Gómez Mónaco had been given a new cell phone that was not in his name and they warned him that he should disconnect it and not turn it over to justice. The expert would have told them to buy new devices and avoid registering personal accounts so that no “backup” of information they may have stored is downloaded.
coincidences
That same November 10 of the deletion of cell phones but in the morning, Cristina Fernández de Kirchner announced on Twitter that she had instructed her lawyers –Marcos Aldazabal and José Manuel Ubeira– to challenge the judge. In that post, she released a video where she reproached him, in addition to the general parsimony of the case, specific issues such as not having cited Deputy Milman, despite all the indications that led to bringing his name closer to the file. “When the first evidence implicating politics in the attack appeared, Judge Capuchetti paralyzed and boycotted the investigation,” the voice-over of journalist Julia Mengolini is heard.
In addition to the Casablanca episode, the video recalls that on August 18 Milman had presented a strange draft statement requesting information on the custody of judges and prosecutors (the Highway trial encouraged by the opposition was taking place) and on the custody of the vice president . He warned: “It is not going to be that some enlightened avant-garde tries to favor the climate of violence that is being armed, with a false attack on the figure of Cristina, to victimize her, remove her from the judicial ropes in which she finds herself and cannot get out , and recreate a new October 17 that vindicates it before its followers. One of the co-signers of that project was the Neuquén deputy Francisco Sánchez, who had publicly requested the death penalty for CFK.
In a section of his statement Bohdziewicz would have recounted that following the assassination attempt, Milman sent that project by chat and boasted in front of his advisers of predicting the future. He explained that in the days prior to the attack he saw the deputy particularly nervous and angry, so much so that in a fit of anger he threatened to fire all the collaborators in his office.
After the statements of her and Gómez Mónaco were known they were summoned to a meeting in the study of another lawyer, Julián Curi, who usually represents and assists Bullrich. In addition, dubious businesses (such as a beauty center) began to come to light in the name of Gómez Mónaco and other people around Milman at the same time that she was appointed to the Intelligence school and that her sister managed the funds. reserved for the Criminal Intelligence Directorate. Curi would have tried to bring peace of mind to the advisers and the commitment to take care of the matter.
Enigmas
When they testified once more at the beginning of December, under the instructions of the Chamber, the prosecutor’s office seized their cell phones, which at that point were already altered according to the same women said at the time. Bohdziewicz, without giving details, stated that he had deleted the content and that he had taken advice. Gómez Mónaco said that he had changed apparatus. They were sent to examine the same and some things were rescued. Among the messages recovered from Ivana’s team appeared a WhatsApp group called “Las Reinas del Despacho” (Milman’s advisers) where the day before Casablanca and three before the attack he told them: “Girls, delete everything from the chat, my photos and so on. From the office. Plis”. The origin of that suggestive phrase is not entirely clear. The same thing happens with messages from the former Miss Argentina who talks to a certain Norberto Novoa, who was not investigated who he is. This man says phrases like “Florencia has to be tidied up,” which for the complaint might be an allusion to Milman’s wife, Deputy Florencia Retamoso.
Beyond whether the appearance of Milman’s name is liked or disliked, makes noise or arouses suspicion, there are suggestive elements and indications that were left halfway. He was never quoted or investigated on his cell phone. Why would you want to delete what you had there? It is one of the reasons, among many others, why the CFK complaint opposed closing the investigation or fragmenting it and raising the trial with three defendants for the material fact: Fernando Sabag Montiel, Brenda Uliarte and Gabriel Carrizo. Now the question is Will they investigate who the expert is? Will they identify the lawyer who guided the secretaries? What was on the phones? Was there a cover-up when trying to remove evidence? Did Milman know anything regarding the attack? What is Bullrich doing in the midst of all this display of legal and technical assistance?
This is the picture of the situation, full of questions in an extremely serious case, the attempt on the life of the vice president and main popular leader, eight months following.
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