2023-06-30 03:30:00
When Cristina actually named Alberto Fernández president, she knew that he was such a weak character that it would be very easy for her to manipulate him. And Sergio Massa, who can be many things but is not a wimp? By giving in to the pressure of governors and mayors frightened by the adverse impact that a foreseeable electoral debacle led by the anodyne Wado duo of Pedro-Jorge Manzur would have had, the vice president signed her own death certificate as queen of the Peronist country.
Of Kirchnerista, Massa has very little. No one has forgotten that he once drew frantic applause from his followers by pledging to sweep away “the gnocchi of the Cámpora” of the places they occupied and put their boss behind bars. Has she reconciled with them? You have to doubt it.
In the opinion of many, Massa is the least trustworthy member of the national political class, an unscrupulous man who betrays by principle.o.
They assume that if he is faithful to something, it is to his ambition; he wants to be president of Argentina and he doesn’t care at all if the road to his goal forces him to pass through territories temporarily dominated by one or another ideological movement. Those who think so will be right, but the opportunism that is his specialty is so flagrant that no one might accuse him of inconsistency.
Although it is possible that Massa makes a good choice, it would be surprising if he got the keys to the Casa Rosada this year. What he might do, since he is the presidential candidate of the almost united Peronism, is consolidate himself as the leader of the opposition to an eventual government of the winner of the Juntos por el Cambio internship.
In that case, he would have to decide whether he was better off adopting a liberal, economically orthodox stance, or settling for his own version of the emotive populism that has brought the country to its current sorry state.
Since a politician as astute as Massa would not want to figure as one of those responsible for such a terrible disaster as the one caused by Cristina and her people, it is likely that he would continue to try to curry favor with both the local and American business world.
Judging by his recent conduct, shares the way of thinking of those convinced that the prolonged decline of Argentina is due to the resistance of the country’s political elites to learn from the experience of others.
For now at least, his management as Minister of Economy plays once morest him. His rivals insist that he is the main culprit behind the borderline hyperinflation that is ruining millions of families, but Massa will be able to attribute his blatant failure in this fundamental area to the commitment of sectors of the government to the Kirchnerist fanciful narrative.
From Massa’s point of view, fighting Kirchnerism, indirectly while it is campaigning and more frontally followingwards, would be beneficial; toIn addition to allowing her to minimize her own contribution to the bad state of the battered national economy, it would give her a more than respectable pretext to put a definitive end to Cristina’s career and round up a multitude of individuals who will try to cause her difficulties.
Erected head of Peronism, Massa will understand that the only thing that keeps the movement alive is the awareness that, for nearly three-quarters of a century, it has been able to offer activists a seemingly inexhaustible number of charges. in state or parastatal institutions, be they governments, legislatures or organizations that depend on big political business. As it is, the gigantic corporation thus supposed is in danger of falling apart because the rest of the country is not in a position to continue financing it. To fill the resulting void, the Kirchnerists can only propose adherence to a spiteful story; For obvious reasons, this alternative does not appeal to those who have become accustomed to prioritizing their own material well-being.
It is more than possible, then, that Massa, a born pragmatist, strives to emulate Carlos Menem who, for a decade, made Peronism a center-right movement, more “neoliberal” than radicalism and other currents.
Such a decision would clash with the will of Cristina and her acolytes to blow up the management of a non-Kirchnerist government, filling the streets with violent mobs, as they just did in Jujuy.
Even if the strategy devised by the most vehement Kirchnerists served to destroy a hypothetical government of Together for Change, would leave the country so badly wounded that, cynical as he was, Massa, the one who surely hopes to play the role of a savior worthy of being praised by the leaders of world powers, would not want to be close to power.
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