The second chapter of Nayib Bukele’s harsh governance, announced during the inauguration of his first unconstitutional term, had the employees of the Ministry of Culture as its initial victims. The measure, presented as a message to those who “promote dark agendas” for having allowed a play featuring drag artists, is essentially a pretext to dismantle the institutionality that he no longer wishes to maintain. Sources consulted by EL PAÍS confirm that “this was merely an excuse, as many of those dismissed have no links to that issue—there are administrative staff, communications personnel, and employees from the Archaeology department among them.” The sources spoke on the condition of anonymity, one awaiting her severance pay and another preferring not to join the ranks of the terminated. In Bukele’s administration, speaking to the press leads to retaliation.
What was once a strategic asset in Bukele’s Government Plan has now been transformed into a diminished institution, stripped of its legal authority due to reforms that prioritize private interests over public welfare.
Historically, the Ministry of Culture has been among the State portfolios of least interest to those in power. It only ceased to be a secretariat of the Presidency in 2018, after 17 years as a part of the Ministry of Education. When Bukele won the presidency constitutionally in 2019, Suecy Callejas, the cultural delegate of the Nuevas Ideas party, described the institution as being in a comatose state. “I believe it is in a coma. They have had numerous opportunities to disconnect it, but they still consider it necessary.” Now, as the vice president of the Legislative Assembly, Callejas both voted for and lauded a reform passed without due process that rendered the ministry ineffective.
The facade of the cultural centre ‘El Mozote’.
The government has not fulfilled any of the commitments outlined for the Ministry in the Cuscatlán Plan, Bukele’s government platform for the period 2019-2024. According to Callejas herself, that plan reflected the party’s ideals, where culture was regarded as “a human right, as a necessity,” and thus they aimed to modernize the network of Culture Houses—spaces for artistic education workshops and, in some cases, the only access to libraries for some residents—and promote artistic education at all levels. Historical memory and reconciliation were meant to play a crucial role in executing these projects. However, the opposite has occurred in the last five years.
Since November 2023, the Culture Houses have gradually been closing, including the one in El Mozote, inaugurated in 2012 in accordance with a ruling by the Inter-American Court of Human Rights. Their elimination by decree on July 5 is merely a formality.
“The goal is to optimize public resources and create more efficient operations within the Ministry of Culture,” stated official deputy Raúl Chamagua, yet his words serve only as a script that the administration now uses to justify the institutional dismemberment. For instance, in 2022, official deputies voiced similar justifications for the decision to dissolve the General Directorate of Statistics and Censuses (Digestyc), a vital institution for gathering sociodemographic data essential for evaluating public policies, such as poverty and inequality. The reform promised by then-deputies of the president involved transferring Digestyc’s functions to the Central Reserve Bank, which has entirely opposed functions.
Deputy Raúl Chamagua of the Nuevas Ideas party during a legislative assembly in San Salvador (El Salvador) on July 30, 2024.
The state resource optimization that truly interests the ruling party is the acceleration of construction permits, which is why the restructuring of the Ministry of Culture was accompanied by reforms to the Special Law for the Protection of Cultural Heritage, a key law for addressing the destruction of archaeological and cultural heritage. One such case occurred in 2017, when Bukele was the mayor of San Salvador, and the Ministry’s team of archaeologists stopped the restoration works of the Historical Center of the capital, citing the law. At that time, Bukele disregarded the regulations and exercised strongarm tactics to achieve his aims and laid concrete where the archaeologists were supposed to excavate.
Bukele is not the only one hindered by this law, but he is the first to successfully modify it to suit his needs. In 2018, right-wing deputies sought to provide an authentic interpretation of clause 2 of article 8 in response to the destruction of Tacuscalco, a top-tier archaeological site. This clause states that “urban and rural development plans, public works in general, and private construction or restoration projects related in any way to a cultural property must be submitted by the responsible entity to the prior authorization of the ministry through its respective dependencies.” For urbanization cases, the responsible entity is usually the construction company. The reform was vetoed by President Salvador Sánchez Cerén, but by then, the residential complex had already been built and was advertising home sales. After Bukele took office, his Ministry of Culture deemed a $30,000 fine adequate to close the case.
Bukele’s reform stipulates that the Ministry of Culture will no longer be responsible for permitting, and that the president will adjust the law’s regulations. For this purpose, on July 26, the Executive asked for the creation of the Directorate of Land Use and Construction, an autonomous institution aimed at “improving the business climate and promoting processes of transformation and the creation of prosperous, resilient, and inclusive cities” through expedited procedures. Although the Directorate of Archaeology survived the restructuring with just two archaeologists remaining, its functions have been reduced to academic ones.
Hugo Díaz, the former head of Archaeology at the ministry who oversaw inspections in the squares of the Historical Center that Bukele opposed and defended the destruction of Tacuscalco, explained to EL PAÍS that the reform to the Special Law for the Protection of Cultural Heritage approved on July 6 legalizes the dismantling of heritage protections, as it allows the removal of cultural property status from sites that have been previously intervened, whether by the state or a private entity. “In this way, the ministry relinquishes its role as a guarantor and attacks the public interest inherent in cultural heritage,” he asserts. According to Salvadoran law, there is an obligation to notify cultural authorities of the accidental discovery of cultural assets, but under the new regulations, this could mean, as Díaz elaborates, “authorizing construction projects that have devastated cultural heritage by arguing that there is no longer any cultural value to protect, as well as ignoring the rights to protect and develop the cultural legacies that communities and indigenous peoples have in managing, reporting, and recording their heritage expressions.” Essentially, the Ministry will go from being a protector of cultural and patrimonial assets to becoming their executioner.
Visitors tour an exhibition at the National Museum of Anthropology in San Salvador (El Salvador) in June 2024.
Bukele likes to compare El Salvador to first-world countries, claiming that it has nothing to envy them. However, the rampant development he promotes shows little interest in safeguarding cultural heritage; instead, he prefers to dazzle with excessive use of LED lights and shiny ceramics. The historical center of San Salvador has been gradually renovated to displace local vendors and replace them with franchises. Even those buildings that Bukele once considered icons of the Historical Center when he was mayor have been demolished in the name of modernization. The president is interested in heritage only when it aligns with his interests.
For Joaquín Aguilar, a restoration architect who has supervised various rehabilitation projects in the Historical Center for years, the reform to the Heritage Law may appear beneficial on paper, but it is dangerous in practice. While he acknowledges the importance of expediting procedures that were stalled for various reasons when the Ministry of Culture was responsible for permits, granting absolute powers to the Executive does not indicate that the primary interest is the safeguarding of cultural assets. “The law is meant to prevent obstacles from arising in arbitrary decision-making,” he says, expressing concern that the greatest threat to the Historical Center comes from monumental structures made of sheet metal and wood. He emphasizes that what might seem like old, dirty houses are, in fact, works that provide identity and unique character to the city. However, current authorities “have no idea what restoration is, nor do they understand historical or aesthetic value,” he adds, lamenting the lack of space for dialogue. They already have fixed ideas, he concludes.
While Bukele dispenses his bitter medicine to public employees, he dreams of establishing the first nuclear plant in Central America, for which he has allied with Argentina, which currently provides him, thanks to Javier Milei, with his primary partner in the region.
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The Bitter Medicine of Nayib Bukele: Cultural Reforms in El Salvador
The second part of Nayib Bukele’s saga of “bitter medicine,” first announced at the inauguration of his mandate, has taken a dark turn for the employees of the Ministry of Culture. The recent dismissals, disguised as a response to “dark agendas,” particularly for allowing a play featuring drag artists, seem more like a pretext for dismantling institutional integrity rather than actual reform. As reported by sources within the ministry, many of those let go had no involvement with the controversial production, including administrative and communications staff as well as archaeologists. The fear of reprisals has silenced many, with some fearing that speaking to the press could lead to even further consequences.
The Decline of the Ministry of Culture
Historically, the Ministry of Culture has been one of the least prioritized portfolios by various Salvadoran governments. It transitioned from being a secretariat of the Presidency in 2018 after spending 17 years under the Ministry of Education. Bukele’s win in 2019 created an early promise with culture delegate Suecy Callejas labeling the ministry as “a patient in a coma.” However, in her recent capacity as vice president of the Legislative Assembly, Callejas has backed reforms that further impede the ministry’s functionality, deeply embedding it in a vegetative state instead of breathing new life into it.
Failure to Implement Promised Cultural Reforms
The government’s initial plan, known as the Cuscatlán Plan, failed to realize its cultural aspirations. According to Callejas, it aimed to regard culture as a human right and a necessity. Efforts were set to modernize cultural houses that provided artistic education and served as community libraries. However, in the past five years, the opposite has been witnessed. Numerous cultural houses, including the important ‘El Mozote,’ inaugurated in 2012, have been shut down or faced decrees that facilitate their elimination.
“The goal is to optimize public resources and create a more efficient ministry,” claimed official party deputy Raúl Chamagua, echoing a rhetoric that veils the dismemberment of cultural institutions. Similar justifications were used when dissolving critical bodies such as the General Directorate of Statistics and Censuses (Digestyc), pivotal for social demographic data collection.
Legislative Changes Affecting Cultural Heritage
As the Ministry of Culture restructures, reforms to the Special Law for the Protection of Cultural Heritage aim to prioritize construction interests over the safeguarding of cultural sites. The legislation legalizes the eradication of cultural protection, allowing the ministry to forfeit its role as a guardian of heritage. According to experts like Hugo Díaz, this legislative approach encourages the destruction of sensitive sites under the pretense of modernization, threatening the unique identity rooted in Salvadoran history.
Comparative Perspectives on Cultural Preservation
While Bukele draws comparisons between El Salvador and developed nations, the relentless push toward modernization has come at the expense of measures to protect the country’s rich cultural heritage. Initiatives that prioritize flashy developments over preservation lead to the displacement of local businesses in the historic center, replaced by franchises. Studies reveal that while the current government seeks to enhance infrastructure through excessive spending, they undermine the very identity of urban spaces.
Case Studies: Heritage Sites Under Threat
| Site Name | Year of Closure | Reason for Closure | Current Status |
|---|---|---|---|
| Casa de la Cultura de El Mozote | 2023 | Government decree | Closed |
| Centro Histórico de San Salvador | N/A | Ongoing gentrification | Under redevelopment |
| Tacuscalco | 2017 | Construction without permits | Partially destroyed |
These cases epitomize the trend toward prioritizing development at the expense of cultural identity. Each closure or threat brings into focus the precarious balance between modernization and heritage preservation.
Public Reaction and Advocacy
While government actions intend to streamline bureaucratic processes, public reaction to Bukele’s notorious stewardship over cultural heritage reveals concerns about accountability and transparency. Local architects, historians, cultural workers, and citizens advocate for protective measures to be reinstated and for the Ministry of Culture to regain its authority to steward the invaluable historical and cultural artifacts representative of the Salvadoran identity.
The Future of Cultural Heritage in El Salvador
As the agency’s functions become increasingly undermined, the future of cultural heritage in El Salvador remains uncertain. While Bukele dreams of ambitious projects like Central America’s first nuclear plant in cooperation with Argentina, the erosion of cultural protections signifies a legislative and societal shift that may compromise the rich historical tapestry of the nation.
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