Viktor Orbán: The Hungarian Maverick or Just Another Political Rascal?
The Illiberal Charm Offensive
According to the article, Orbán isn’t keen on leaving the EU—no, no! He’s just on a quest to configure Europe’s political GPS, rerouting everything to the land of illiberal democracy. What’s that? It’s like a buffet where you can have your authoritarian cake and eat it too! Why follow the old EU rules when you can write your own? Viktor’s motto seems to be: “Why fit in when you can stand out… and be criticized?”
And let’s not forget his “exporting democracy” gig. It’s like he’s opened a franchise to spread his ideas across Europe, from the Balkans to Brazil. “Get your Hungarian brand of democracy here! Buy one, get one free – not responsible for any authoritarian side effects!”
The Orbán Strategy: Building Alliances and Laughing at Criticism
What’s even funnier is Orbán’s strategy to make friends with anyone who won’t critique him. It’s like being the kid in the playground who bribes others with sweets to avoid playing tag. Oh, but wait! He has his list of enemies—Ursula von der Leyen, et al.—and it reads like a red carpet guest list to a movie nobody wants to see! Yet he cozying up to Meloni and Le Pen is like turning up to a party dressed as a political horror show and still managing to get compliments. “Darling, is that illiberal democracy you’re wearing?”
The Balkan Conundrum
When it comes to the Balkans, Orbán’s vigilance is impressive! He believes if the EU lets these countries hang in limbo, the alternatives will be far worse. It’s like telling a toddler not to eat ice cream, only for them to find out there’s an entire cake next door. But come on, laughing at the idea that countries could end up under Russia’s thumb is like watching a slow-motion train wreck with popcorn in hand. “Ha! Look at that train!”
The Future of Fidesz
Let’s turn to the future, where the article humorously proposes that Orbán could still be in power by 2050. Fifty years from now, we could be talking about a wizened Orbán, probably still at the helm, making dodgy deals with people trying to build the new bridge from Budapest to Buda—the one that finally connects common sense to political strategy.
“My fellow citizens, I have fought hard to build this illiberal edifice, now let’s open the floor for a very democratic discussion about my next election victory!” Cue the thunderous applause from Fidesz loyalists, who are likely programmed to think that anything else is just an alternate reality TV show! Because who wouldn’t want to watch that?”
Conclusion
In all seriousness, Viktor Orbán is a political force, and his illiberal agenda is shaping not just Hungary but the broader EU landscape. He manages to balance audacity with strategy more deftly than many politicians. It’s like watching a tightrope walker with a penchant for dramatic flair—impressive but utterly horrifying. We can giggle at the chaos he brings, but the implications of his actions have real consequences. So buckle up; if Orbán has any say, the next decade of politics will be a rollercoaster ride that’s far from over.
Commentary by your friendly neighborhood comedic observer. Remember, laughter is the best medicine—unless it’s for political headaches, in which case, we’re all in trouble!
Viktor Orbán will not rest until the politicians living in Western liberal democracies conclude a new political agreement with him, in which they accept the Hungarian illiberal political system as the new political and state conception existing in the European Union, different from the previous consensus.
Its goal is not to leave the EU, but to create the new political settlement described above.
Viktor Orbán doesn’t just flirt with the EU institutions, he doesn’t just build assets that he can use in games affecting the international scene to improve his positions;
Viktor Orbán is creating an alternative European political system.
In Hungary, it was included in the constitution, and in the past ten or so years it has been protected from international attacks. In recent years, it has started to export democracy, lining up alongside the United States. In the Balkans, in Spain, in France, maybe in the Netherlands, a little in Brazil, a little in Argentina. So far, the exports of Viktor Orbán and his political system have appeared in these countries in the form of financial assistance, congress visits or the appearance of a tried and tested consultant.
In the international aspects of illiberal democracy, it is with the pro-Trump Republicans. He does not agree with the export of democracy by the Democratic Party (and otherwise by the Republican Party), the export of the liberal economic, legal and social system. He refuses to recognize the existence of any surplus value in the operation of the United States. We are reliable partners internationally, that is, Viktor Orbán accepts the community of NATO states and the alliance that comes with them. The Hungarian army also took part in military operations in Afghanistan, Iraq and the Balkans.
Hungarian soldiers died and were injured in these actions. On the other hand, he opposes the support of American policy if his own environment is to be influenced by American policy (Balkans, Ukraine).
Viktor Orbán’s goal is, of course, to protect the political system he created himself. He makes friends with everyone who does not criticize his political system, and is an opponent of everyone who does. This is how it also divides American politicians. Former president and current presidential candidate Trump accepts the ideas and practices of Orbán’s democracy and is therefore an ally. The democrats and the republicans who criticize Orbán, on the other hand, are not, because they represent a different political view. In Europe, Manfred Weber, Ursula von der Leyen and the prime ministers of other national states consider Orbán’s ideas and practical political steps unacceptable. In return, Viktor Orbán supports those who do not criticize him. Italian Prime Minister Meloni, Austrian FPÖ, Spanish Vox, Marie Le Pen.
Viktor Orbán does not want to abolish the EU, he only wants to shape it into one in which the dominant countries do not value the political organization and functioning of the member countries. It would cut off the EU from the American value system and its exports. The EU came into existence after 1945 through the neutrality, weak support and peaceful non-intervention of the United States. They did not want it, nor did they oppose its creation. When the Soviets withdrew from Europe in 1990, it took the Europeans three years to compile the new obligations for the Eastern European countries, which were contained in the Copenhagen Declaration and formulated the expectations of liberal democracy. Viktor Orbán wants to neutralize this political statement. The inclusion of the Balkan countries also serves to weaken the political aspect.
It is very interesting to observe the problem of Balkan enlargement. It embodies a typical Orbán political solution.
EU leaders don’t mind if the Balkans are in a vacuum, hanging in the air. On the other hand, Viktor Orbán considers it self-evident that if the EU does not accept the Balkan countries, then Russia or the Muslim countries will shape them in their own image. Orbán’s efforts show strategic thinking, and therefore many people will probably praise him a hundred years from now for recognizing the problem.
For Orbán, however, everything works with the linking of goods. Due to the accession of the Balkan countries, the European states have to give up their ideas about democracy. They must consider pragmatic aspects of markets, security zones, and the reevaluation of political influence zones, and not whether these countries meet the Copenhagen criteria exactly to the millimeter.
BRICS, the political organization from Russia to China to Brazil, wants to reshape the political map of the world economy. An alliance of countries supporting anti-American policies. He is working on creating his own financial system to break the American hegemony since 1945. Acceptance of liberal democracy in this alliance is not part of the entry code. Viktor Orbán expresses his sympathy for the countries and politicians belonging to the group with well-placed personal gestures.
Since 2015, Viktor Orbán has achieved strategic victories one after another. Migrant policy has become a political problem shaping the domestic policy and now the social strategy of other European countries. Already in 2015, Viktor Orbán put the topic at the center of his policy. The defense of Ukraine has become a protracted military, economic, and financial operation. Hundreds of thousands of Ukrainians and Russians died. From the beginning, Orbán criticized the pro-war opinion, which has now become an emerging opinion even among mainstream politicians.
Previously, everyone said that Hungary could not be financed and maintained without the IMF and the Western financial markets. Viktor Orbán has succeeded continuously for 14 years. According to the left-liberal political view, it is not possible to divert people’s attention from “austerity”. Orbán has succeeded for 14 years. According to the traditional opinion, it is impossible and not worthwhile to take action against business life, large companies, especially if they are foreign. According to Orbán’s practice, political decisions made against them can be implemented.
Domestic and foreign policy trends show that Viktor Orbán guessed the future trends well.
Orbán’s policy has frozen, it will not change. If he is defeated in 2026, he will continue the same policy. He is surrounded by a mass of voters whose thinking he controls – see the latest surveys on the level of the Ukrainian and Russian threat – and the majority of the right-wing intellectuals who speak also tell the world according to Orbán’s patterns. The defeat in 2026 will only be temporary for the Fidesz camp. They will explain that it was not well mobilized, or that the left-wing mine work led to better results for once. Therefore, even after a defeat in 2026, Viktor Orbán will lead the right wing.
How long? In the original version of this article, I wrote: Viktor Orbán will lead the right wing until 2050. I have predicted the future many times in my Index articles and public interviews. I also feel that the date of 2050 is an exaggeration. But the thought doesn’t let me rest, something tells me that my undisciplined intuitions are right. The Orbán adaptation, which worked well on many issues between 2010 and 2024, can greatly strengthen the feelings of Fidesz supporters and Viktor Orbán that Viktor Orbán must define Fidesz’s policy in the next quarter of a century. It is objectionable that the current prime minister will be 87 years old in 2050. Starting in 2030, he will have to win five more elections or, over time, step back a little to help the future front-line politician win. But let’s just remember that, even in 2010, no one would have thought that he would win four parliamentary and several European Parliament elections in a row.
The author was a former journalist, now a business coach.
Opinion articles do not necessarily reflect the position of the Index editors.
(Cover image: Viktor Orbán will present the program of the Hungarian EU presidency at the meeting of the European Parliament in Strasbourg on October 9, 2024. Photo: Benko Vivien Cher / MTI)
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Introduction
Ah, Viktor Orbán—the man who’s single-handedly turned Hungary into Europe’s most audacious political experiment since… well, *ever*! You know, he’s not just flirting with Western liberal democracies; he’s basically trying to take them out for a romantic dinner, only to provide a bill that includes extra charges for “illiberal ambiance.”