2023-09-23 02:30:00
As a preview of what might be the presidential debates on October 1 and 8 with Javier Milei, the one between the vice presidents that took place on Wednesday on TN had as its exclusive protagonist Victoria Villarruel because the other candidates chose to polarize with the representative of La Libertad Avanza.
Victoria Villarruel, a 48-year-old lawyer, is the daughter, niece and granddaughter of soldiers, and for many years an activist for the recognition of military actions during the last dictatorship, she has a short experience in politics, where she only began in 2021 as a deputy alongside Javier Milei.
The office of vice president originates in the United States Constitution to ensure automatic succession in the event of the president’s impeachment, and its importance emerges only when that happens.
Milei’s vice president is especially important because the possibilities of having to succeed the president, although always remote, are objectively greater compared to the possible governance difficulties that a La Libertad Avanza government would face, as it is a party with only two years of existence. history, without governors, mayors, and with a very small number of deputies and senators. The president who dollarized Ecuador, although his measure was perpetuated, had to resign two weeks following implementing it due to the tensions generated.
But there was no focus, in the vice presidents’ debate with Villarruel, on this eventuality or on the candidate’s degree of knowledge of the disruptive economic issues that are the strength of Milei’s proposal for her government. This lack of knowledge adds more risk to the sustainability of its application in the event of unforeseen events.
If La Libertad Avanza triumphs, the vice president plans to focus on security and defense issues, which is why her repeated denialism regarding the crimes once morest humanity committed by the last dictatorship is doubly worrying.
Representative Villarruel has every right to demand recognition of the military victims of the guerrilla as well as the majority of honest soldiers who during the last dictatorship did not participate in crimes, many of them having fought honorably in the Malvinas, not to mention all the current military personnel are totally democratic, being workers of the State, who deserve the highest praise from society.
But she does not have the right to deny the existence of crimes once morest humanity, and Victoria Villarruel on several occasions denied the existence of State terrorism and, already as a candidate, on several occasions she repeated the formulation “if there were crimes they have already been judged.” It is not “if there was”, it is “there was”, something that cannot be admitted to denying a deputy and candidate for vice president.
It is likely that Kirchnerism abused its meritorious second impulse in the trials of the crimes of the dictatorship, trying to appropriate the symbolic capital of the Mothers and Grandmothers of Plaza de Mayo and, as candidates and officials of their governments, of the grandchildren. recovered, that a part of society that did not experience the return of democracy and the trial of the military junta, which Alfonsín promoted much more meritoriously, believes that “the human rights of the 70s” are a symbol of Kirchnerism and not of all the society. And that, angry with this government, they add votes to La Libertad Avanza also for confronting human rights organizations like many of the other politically correct provocations with which Kirchnerism is associated: abortion, equal marriage, inclusive language, social justice, Estela of Carlotto, Alfonsín and even Pope Francis.
But there are issues that must be beyond electoral speculation, such as crimes once morest humanity. Young people may be right to demand more concern for current human rights and even, irritated, think that “the human rights of the 70s” is an issue for the elderly. But adults, and even more so those who aspire to hold public office, should not exploit that frustration by trivializing the crimes of the dictatorship and encouraging the ignorance of those who did not live through the last decades of the last century.
That is why it is imperative to approve now, with the same speed that the ruling party managed to approve the modification in the income tax scale of the fourth category, but now with the vote of Together for Change and the entire opposition, a law that penalizes denialism.
Germany, France, Switzerland, Austria, Belgium, Spain, Czech Republic, Israel, Latvia and Liechtenstein have legislation that penalizes, with different nuances, those who justify or deny the Holocaust.
In France, both the apology of war crimes and crimes once morest humanity and the denial of the Holocaust or the genocide committed once morest the Armenians during Ottoman domination in 1915 are considered criminal offenses.
And the resurgence in this century of extreme right-wing supporters made it necessary for Austria first and in 2005 Germany to modify their Penal Code, classifying the exaltation of Nazism as one of the forms of the crime of incitement to racial hatred, which contemplates penalties of up to ten years. of prison in the case of Austria and up to three years in Germany.
In Argentina there were several projects to penalize denialism: some were losing parliamentary status due to the inaction in which our Parliament finds itself, motivated by extreme political polarization. This is the case of the projects presented by deputies Cecilia Moreau (2016 and 2018); Daniel Pérsico (2017); Horacio Pietragalla (2019) and Patricia Mounier (2021); and the one presented by Alfredo Luenzo in the Senate (2021). And those from last year, by deputies Estela Hernández in March and Eduardo Fernández in September. Those presented this year await treatment by the Criminal Legislation Commission of the Chamber of Deputies: they are that of María Carolina Moisés in June, and Gisela Marziotta in July; while in the Senate the same awaits the one presented by María Inés Pilati Vergara in July.
But just as the growth of the extreme right in Germany meant that sixty years following Nazism they had to toughen penalties in the face of the growth of denialism, forty years following the dictatorship Argentina is also going through a similar process that makes criminalization more necessary.
As part of the celebrations of the forty years of democratic recovery, Editorial Perfil is distributing a compiled reissue of The Judgment Diarya publication that was published in 1985 during the year and a half that the trial of the boards lasted.
On the same day as the debate of the vice presidential candidates, the launch of the reissue of El Diario del Juicio took place in the solemn room of the Federal Chamber of the Court Palace, the same one where the military junta of the dictatorship was condemned.
The date was not arbitrary, on September 20, 1985, the Conadep (National Commission on the Disappearance of Persons) delivered the report titled Never more, which contained the accumulation of evidence of crimes once morest humanity that served as the basis for the subsequent trial. Four of the five presidential candidates (Bullrich, Massa, Schiaretti and Bregman) were present with their testimony, the only one who refused to do so was the libertarian Javier Milei. In the final words, at the closing of the event, I demanded that the political parties not wait for a new legislative formation and now approve a law that penalizes denialism.
All the projects to penalize denialism are from Peronist legislators, in honor of Alfonsín, radicalism must present one that synthesizes everyone and unites the opposition with the ruling party on an issue that is not partisan.
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