2024-10-27 12:30:00
On September 30, the student body Agui Mars Aubin Deagouénicknamed “General Sorcerer” and described as the “main rival” of the secretary general of Fesci (Student and School Federation of Côte d’Ivoire), is found lifeless at the Cocody University Hospital in Abidjan.
The next day, while the Federation was targeted by the public prosecutor, the authorities suspended all its activities as a precautionary measure, and denounced “an act of barbarism from another age”. A few days later, a second student murder that occurred in August was revealed by the prosecution, also attributed to Fesci.
In all, 17 “Fescists” are arrested as part of the investigations into these murders, including the secretary general, Kambou Sié.
Also readIvory Coast: the powerful Fesci union dissolved
Bladed weapons, torture tunnel and brothel
Since these events, the authorities have been pushed from all sides to act against the student federation. On October 5, they dealt a first blow, by expelling more than 5,000 people, students or not, housed by Fesci in the university campuses of Abidjan, Bouaké and Daloa. For many years, the Federation had assumed responsibility for the allocation and management of university rooms.
The police who stormed the campus on this occasion discovered “a large batch of bladed weapons including 107 machetes, grenades and several other materials, in particular fatigues from the Defense and Security Forces” as the reports the National Security Council in its press release of October 17. A torture tunnel, a brothel, and four smoking rooms were also destroyed on this occasion. The intervention resulted in 28 arrests.
A violent story linked to Ivorian political life
However, the Ivorians did not wait for this date to discover the violence of Fesci, intrinsically linked to the history of the Federation, which is itself totally intertwined with the political life of the country. When it was born in the 1990s, Fesci took to the streets to demand more democracy and multipartyism, alongside opposition parties, including Laurent Gbagbo’s FPI.
While it went underground in 1991 after an initial dissolution, its members trained and organized in a quasi-military manner. With the 1991 murder of the defector student Thierry Zébiémoved to the side of power, for the first time, Fesci has blood on its hands. For Martial Ahipeaud – first secretary general of Fesci between 1990 and 1993 – interviewed by telephone, it was the government which brought violence to the campus, in particular by arming their opponents.
In 2001, as Côte d’Ivoire was preparing to plunge into a political-military crisis, “the machete war”, which pitted a pro-Ouattara branch against a pro-Gbagbo branch within the Federation, caused many victims. An internal conflict which will be won by the pro-Gbagbo camp, then president of Côte d’Ivoire. The years that follow will, according to a Human Right Watch report from 2008the occasion of a surge of violence both “political and criminal”, directed mainly against other students perceived as opponents of those in power.
“Most of the most serious abuses were suffered by members of a rival student group, the General Association of Pupils and Students of Côte d’Ivoire (AGEECI), which Fesci accused of supporting the Forces rebels news” explains the report. Violence that Martial Ahipeaud condemns. According to him, “from 2000 to 2011, the FPI and the RDR [présidé par Ouattara, NDLR] fought violently through their supporters in Fesci, thus preventing the purists of the movement from expressing themselves. The source of systemic violence within Fesci is therefore the desire for control of the two parties of this organization.”
If the parties wanted to take advantage of the strike force of Fesci, the Fescists have also, since the 1990s, taken advantage of political parties. Several of these former secretaries general had national political destinies, starting with Guillaume Soro – former Prime Minister and President of the National Assembly – and Charles Blé Goudé – Laurent Gbagbo’s Minister of Youth.
Many others, more recently, have held important positions in the administration, or have sought mandates as mayors or deputies across the political spectrum. For political scientist Geoffroy-Julien Kouao, so far “being secretary general of Fesci means ensuring a political career.”
An essential contact for the authorities
Since 2011 and the accession to power of Alassane Ouattara, and while the country has found the path to political stability, the conflicts which cross Fesci are naturally less linked to Ivorian political life. Nevertheless, its weight – while the country has 8 million pupils and students, the majority of whom are loyal to the Federation – continues to make it an essential contact for the authorities, affirms Geoffroy-Julien Kouao. “The various administrations have always wanted to collaborate with her to have peace of mind on university campuses.” The proof: the Fesci head office under construction at Houphouët-Boigny University, before being destroyed on October 5, had been partly financed by the government. His site even received a visit from the Minister of Higher Education, Adama Diawara, on July 27.
Internal disputes
The two recent murders, however, are solely the result of internal quarrels. The secretary general, Kambou Sié, was not known to be close to power or the opposition, but his election was contested within Fesci. According to a member of the Federation contacted by telephone, and who wished to remain anonymous, “General Sorcerer” could not have tolerated not having been reappointed to his position as section secretary following the arrival of Kambou Sié in the head of Fesci eight months earlier, and allegedly led several raids against Federation executives. He also claims the innocence of his boss, the general secretary.
Mafia practices
But if the internal struggles within Fesci continue to result in such significant violence, it is because the Federation has lost none of its “mafia-like practices”, denounced since 2008 in the Human Right Watch report. The NGO explained at the time that “FESCI takes part of the money granted to them from all scholarship students, in full view of university officials”.
A racket that does not only affect stock market participants. Joel*, owner of a shop opposite Houphouët-Boigny University, saw his business ransacked and closed twice because he had not complied with the rules imposed by the Federation. “After several negotiations, they brought my things back, but I had to pay 100,000 francs” (150 euros), he explains to us. “That’s how it is here, even the location, they’re the ones who give it to us. If you don’t go through them, you won’t get anything. You have to pay a monthly amount to the brigade so that they protect you.”
If he says he is reassured that the authorities are taking charge of the Fesci subject. He is worried about the drop in his turnover since the residents of the university campus were evicted.
The management of university residence halls was also another major source of income for Fesci. According to the authorities, who promised a reallocation campaign, “35% of university rooms were illegally occupied” when they intervened on October 5. The rents, instead of being paid to the Crou – an organization supposed to manage the administration of the rooms – were collected by Fesci.
For Koffi*, an economic and social science student, it was a lesser evil. “It was extremely difficult to get a room through the Crou, there had been no admissions for four years on the Abidjan campus. La Fesci accommodated us by finding us a room, even if we had to share it with several other comrades.” Since his expulsion, the 21-year-old young man has returned to live in his village, due to lack of accommodation, to continue his studies in Abidjan.
Sexual violence, harassment, death threats
Sylvia Appata, a feminist activist, knows the “mafia practices” of Fesci well. For having coordinated an investigation in 2023 into sexual violence at the university, which revealed that 40% of it was committed by members of Fesci, she was harassed, threatened with death, and was the subject of an attempted lynching.
“I never returned to campus, and we had to move our association’s premises following this episode. My life has never been the same again because I can no longer come and go without looking behind me. It traumatized me.”
For the lawyer specializing in women’s rights, the reaction of the authorities is late but timely. “We cannot reform a criminal organization, which is the antithesis of democracy.”
Fesci had already been dissolved twice in the 1990s, before rising from its ashes. It remains to be seen whether this episode will definitively sound the death knell for this powerful Federation.
1730042944
#Fesci #dissolved #return #powerful #violent #Ivorian #student #federation
/da9b2868-938d-11ef-9e8d-005056bf30b7/CI-5.jpeg 2480w” width=”2480″ height=”1651″ loading=”lazy” class=”m-figure__img lazy”/>
Sylvia Appata at the entrance to her new offices, whose location is kept secret, in October 2024. © Julia Guggenheim
Despite the challenges, Appata remains committed to fighting for accountability and justice for victims of violence on campus, emphasizing the need for structural changes within university governance and the eradication of power abuses by student unions such as Fesci.
The situation surrounding Fesci highlights the broader issues of student leadership and governance in Côte d’Ivoire, where power struggles among student organizations can mirror the contentious political dynamics of the country. As the authorities seek to re-establish order and accountability within the educational system, the resolution of these conflicts will be crucial for the safety and rights of students across Ivorian campuses.
As tensions continue to rise and the investigations unfold, many within the Ivorian student community and beyond are watching closely, hoping for meaningful reforms that ensure safety and equity within higher education.
The text provides a detailed overview of the University Federation of Côte d’Ivoire (Fesci) and its complicated history interwoven with Ivorian political life, particularly highlighting the violence associated with its activities.
Initially founded in the 1990s to advocate for democracy and multipartyism, Fesci’s engagement in Ivorian politics escalated into violence, particularly after the murder of student Thierry Zébié in 1991. The student federation became a battleground for political factions, leading to a “machete war” between pro-Ouattara and pro-Gbagbo factions within Fesci. The violence continued throughout the 2000s, often targeting rival student groups.
Despite reduced conflicts since Alassane Ouattara assumed power in 2011, the federation remains a significant entity due to its influence over the student population. Recent events, including the violent internal struggles leading to the murders of federation members, illustrate ongoing issues. Allegations of mafia-like practices, such as extorting money from students and local businesses, further complicate Fesci’s image.
Additionally, there are serious allegations of sexual violence linked to members of Fesci, prompting activists like Sylvia Appata to speak out against such behaviors, despite facing significant personal danger as a result.
As tensions rise and authorities respond to the challenges posed by Fesci, questions emerge about the federation’s future and whether this recent crackdown will finally curb its influence or if it will simply rise again as it has in the past.