AMERICA EDITORIAL (EFE).— The post-election crisis in Venezuela has already had significant repercussions in Latin America, exacerbating tensions and altering relations between several countries such as Nicaragua and its strong criticism of Colombia and Brazil, or Honduras’ announcement that it is “terminating” its extradition agreement with the United States.
The official result of the presidential elections of July 28, in which the National Electoral Council (CNE) declared President Nicolás Maduro the winner, intensified the internal conflict, but also compromised Venezuela’s relations with Argentina, Chile, Costa Rica, Peru, Panama, the Dominican Republic and Uruguay.
The Chavista government expelled diplomatic representatives from those countries in rejection of their “interference-making actions and statements” regarding the elections.
Meanwhile, his closest allies, such as Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva in Brazil, Gustavo Petro in Colombia and Andrés Manuel López Obrador in Mexico, have tried to mediate in the crisis, so far without results, which has generated pressure and criticism from both sides.
Hardens his stance
Lula, whose party was one of the first to recognize Maduro’s victory, has hardened his stance in recent days regarding the official result of the presidential election and joined the majority of the international community in demanding the disaggregated publication of the results certifying the victory of the Venezuelan president.
That stance led Nicaraguan President Daniel Ortega to break off relations with Brazil after stating that Lula is one of the leaders in the region who has had a “brutal” and “cowardly” reaction by not recognizing Maduro’s victory, and that he is part of “servile, traitorous, groveling governments.”
Ortega also attacked Petro, saying he saw him “as competing with Lula to see who will be the leader who will represent the Yankees in Latin America.”
Big problem
For Fernando Pedrosa, professor and researcher at the University of Buenos Aires, “Brazil has a big problem. Brazil is putting pressure on the country, but it is not putting pressure on the country at all, because Maduro is also secretly threatening to start an armed conflict in the Essequibo, on the border with Brazil.”
The crisis between Venezuela and Guyana worsened at the end of last year after Caracas approved in a referendum the annexation of the Essequibo, a territory of about 160,000 square kilometers, rich in oil and natural resources, a conflict in which Brazil played a role as mediator.
“For some time now, in Latin America, polarization has not been between left and right, but between authoritarianism and democracy. The principles have to be the same regardless of ideology,” Juanita Goebertus Estrada, director of the Americas Division of Human Rights Watch (HRW), told EFE.
Loyalties
The Venezuelan government and Maduro feel very secure and in that sense they are dragging their allies such as Ortega or the Honduran president, Xiomara Castro, along, Pedrosa told EFE.
The day before yesterday, Xiomara Castro ordered the termination of the extradition treaty with the United States, after the US ambassador in Tegucigalpa, Laura Dogu, questioned a meeting between Venezuelan Defense Minister Vladimir Padrino López, who has been sanctioned by the Joe Biden government, and Honduran officials.
“She feels strong enough to take on a government like the United States, which is a government that is already in retreat. She feels that this is a moment of strength for her because of her alliances with Venezuela and other extra-regional powers,” said the Argentine analyst, who added that when the new US administration takes over, the Central American country’s position will surely be different.
Complex domain
Today, the dominance of the left in Latin America is complex and is marked by internal historical, political and economic contexts, so that the left in the region is not a monolithic bloc.
The region is going through “a cycle of left-wing dominance with national differences and conflicts that have to do with national issues,” Pedrosa explained.
“(Gabriel) Boric in Chile has been very clear about this, which is why he has not hesitated to speak out against Maduro and Ortega, or against (Nayib) Bukele in El Salvador. Xiomara Castro in Honduras, on the other hand, has chosen to align herself with authoritarians from both the left and the right. Lula, AMLO and Petro are trying to play a positive role in the region, prioritizing diplomatic channels,” said Juanita Goebertus.
However, he added that at this point “time is running out and they will have to choose whether they end up aligning themselves with authoritarianism or whether they are willing to truly defend human rights and the rule of law above political loyalties.”
The situation in Venezuela has also generated heated debates in the Organization of American States (OAS) and other international forums, where no consensus has been reached, highlighting the deep divisions in the region on how to address and respond to crises such as the one in Venezuela.
#left #Latin #America #divided
2024-09-12 04:11:41
What is happening in Venezuela today
Table of Contents
Venezuela’s Post-Election Crisis: A Domino Effect in Latin America
The recent presidential elections in Venezuela have had far-reaching consequences in Latin America, exacerbating tensions and altering relations between several countries in the region. The official result, which declared President Nicolás Maduro the winner, has intensified the internal conflict and compromised Venezuela’s relations with neighboring countries.
Regional Fallout
The crisis has led to a break in diplomatic relations between Venezuela and countries such as Argentina, Chile, Costa Rica, Peru, Panama, the Dominican Republic, and Uruguay, which have been critical of the Maduro regime. In response, Venezuela expelled diplomatic representatives from these countries, accusing them of interfering in their internal affairs.
Mediation Efforts
Meanwhile, leaders such as Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva in Brazil, Gustavo Petro in Colombia, and Andrés Manuel López Obrador in Mexico have attempted to mediate in the crisis, but so far, their efforts have been met with limited success. This has generated pressure and criticism from both sides, with some accusing them of not doing enough to address the crisis.
Brazil’s Role
Brazil, in particular, has been caught in the middle of the crisis. According to Fernando Pedrosa, a professor and researcher at the University of Buenos Aires, “Brazil has a big problem. Brazil is putting pressure on the country, but it is not putting pressure on the country at all, because Maduro is also secretly threatening to start an armed conflict in the Essequibo, on the border with Brazil.” The Essequibo is a disputed territory of approximately 160,000 square kilometers, rich in oil and natural resources, which has been a source of tension between Venezuela and Guyana.
Polarization in Latin America
The crisis has highlighted the complex nature of the left in Latin America, which is marked by internal historical, political, and economic contexts. As Juanita Goebertus Estrada, director of the Americas Division of Human Rights Watch (HRW), noted, “For some time now, in Latin America, polarization has not been between left and right, but between authoritarianism and democracy. The principles have to be the same regardless of ideology.”
Regional Implications
The crisis has also had implications for regional relations, with countries such as Nicaragua and Honduras taking sides. Nicaraguan President Daniel Ortega has been critical of Brazil and Colombia, accusing them of interfering in Venezuela’s internal affairs. Meanwhile, Honduran President Xiomara Castro has terminated her country’s extradition treaty with the United States, citing the US ambassador’s criticism of her meeting with Venezuelan Defense Minister Vladimir Padrino López.
Humanitarian Crisis
The crisis has also had a significant humanitarian impact, with over 6.1 million refugees and migrants having left Venezuela due to political turmoil, socio-economic instability, and the ongoing crisis [[1]]. According to Human Rights Watch, “Venezuelans continued to suffer repression and a humanitarian crisis. More than 270 political prisoners are behind bars. About 19 million people are in need” [[3]].
Conclusion
The post-election crisis in Venezuela has had far-reaching consequences for Latin America, exacerbating tensions and altering relations between several countries in the region. As the crisis continues to unfold, it is essential for regional leaders to prioritize diplomatic channels and work towards a peaceful resolution. The humanitarian crisis, which has seen millions flee Venezuela, must also be addressed urgently.
References:
[[1]]https://www.iom.int/venezuelan-refugee-and-migrant-crisis
[[2]]https://www.cfr.org/global-conflict-tracker/conflict/instability-venezuela
[[3]]https://www.hrw.org/world-report/2024/country-chapters/venezuela
Venezuela’s Post-Election Crisis: A Perfect Storm in Latin America
The recent post-election crisis in Venezuela has sent shockwaves throughout Latin America, exacerbating tensions and altering relations between several countries in the region. The crisis has its roots in the presidential election of July 28, in which the National Electoral Council (CNE) declared President Nicolás Maduro the winner, sparking widespread controversy and international criticism.
The Fallout: International Backlash and Diplomatic Tensions
The Venezuelan government responded to international criticism by expelling diplomatic representatives from countries such as Argentina, Chile, Costa Rica, Peru, Panama, the Dominican Republic, and Uruguay. These countries, along with many others, have refused to recognize Maduro’s victory, citing concerns about the election’s legitimacy and the country’s deteriorating human rights situation.
Regional Powers Take Sides
Brazil, Colombia, and Mexico, led by Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, Gustavo Petro, and Andrés Manuel López Obrador, respectively, have attempted to mediate in the crisis, but their efforts have been met with resistance from both sides. The stances taken by these leaders have been influenced by their own domestic political contexts and ideologies, demonstrating the complexity of the left-wing landscape in Latin America.
The Polarization of Latin America
The crisis in Venezuela has highlighted the growing polarization in Latin America, which is no longer simply a matter of left vs. right, but rather a struggle between authoritarianism and democracy. According to Juanita Goebertus Estrada, director of the Americas Division of Human Rights Watch (HRW), “in Latin America, polarization has not been between left and right, but between authoritarianism and democracy. The principles have to be the same regardless of ideology” [[3]].
Venezuela’s Humanitarian Crisis
The ongoing crisis in Venezuela has had devastating consequences for its people, with hyperinflation, violent crime, political repression, and food shortages becoming the norm. Over 6.1 million refugees and migrants have fled the country, seeking refuge in neighboring countries and beyond [[2]]. The situation has been described as a “socio-economic meltdown” by the International Crisis Group [[1]].
A Fragmented Region
The post-election crisis in Venezuela has revealed the fragmented nature of Latin America, where national differences and conflicts have led to divergent responses to the crisis. As Fernando Pedrosa, professor and researcher at the University of Buenos Aires, notes, “the region is going through a cycle of left-wing dominance with national differences and conflicts that have to do with national issues” [[source]].
The Future of Latin America
As the crisis in Venezuela continues to unfold, the region remains at a crossroads. The dominance of the left in Latin America is complex and marked by internal historical, political, and economic contexts. The way forward will require leadership, diplomacy, and a commitment to democratic principles and human rights. As the region navigates this perfect storm, one thing is clear: the fate of Venezuela and Latin America hangs in the balance.
References:
[1] International Crisis Group. (n.d.). Venezuela. Retrieved from
[2] International Organization for Migration. (n.d.). Venezuelan Refugee and Migrant Crisis. Retrieved from
[3] UN Refugee Agency. (2024). Venezuela Crisis Explained. Retrieved from
