2023-10-15 02:58:48
Damage control in eight days for one of the three candidates. Or for two, depending on the result. There will be an urgent, cruel balance; the losers not only leave the candidates, but also the leadership. Defeat usually forces inevitable, characteristic decapitations. Along with the electoral disaster comes the carancheo, the avid procrastinators eat the remains of the little that remains in each faction, the puzzle decomposes and the epilogue arrives for an agonizing process of the political system. In particular, for the bipartisan ecstasy of four decades, And in just a week and coins the forced retirement of Patricia Bullrich, Sergio Massa or Javier Milei begins (both Schiaretti and Bregman are already in the sarcophagus, one because he handed the baton to the governor Llaryora, the other because he belongs to the aristocracy of a left that distributes the positions among themselves).
This process of pruning two of the most famous people in the country today is recognized as more traumatic and violent if, at the same time, it is compared with the gradual chemical dissolution of certain women in politics, as the metaphor of a femicide after bullying , ladies who were once tapas in the last century at Radiolandia or theater heads in entire theaters in Mar del Plata. Faded, overshadowed stars, such as Cristina Fernández de Kirchner or Elisa Carrió, who today do not even speak, rather hide, converted into the mysterious Greta Garbo of local cinematography. Underdeveloped, of course. One was never able to reach the Casa Rosada, the other had plenty of permanence. Both with disrespect to the stoic Zeno (Cyprus), who always advised stumbling with your feet instead of your tongue.
It is fascinating to venture into the fate of Bullrich in the case of an anticipated epilogue for her. She now plays wet cartridges, at least that is how the invitation to Horacio Rodríguez Larreta to become his Chief of Staff or the insistence on staying close to Carlos Melconian can be interpreted despite certain personal recordings that hurt the economist. He does not want to show a single crack and he cannot appeal to replace him as a companion: Luciano Laspina has already left his side, they fired him like a servant in the 18th century. Patricia hardly consulted with anyone about the call to the head of the Buenos Aires Government, she decided on her own. She only notified Mauricio Macri, even though he is supporting his campaign. In any case, she discussed that decision with one or two of her table of twelve, a group that never made a president, a vice president, a governor or a legislator. Except for a mayor in any district. To the extent she must understand that the differences between the candidates is so brief for next Sunday that even her defeated internal rival can bring her votes closer. If nothing goes the way she wants, less than six months after Cambiemos was assured of victory, she perceives a destiny more like that of grandchildren than that of an influencer in her party. It is difficult for her to be proposed to lead the group of legislators represented in Parliament. That will be the task of others, of the botfly Macri and of a radical board in the event that it does not decide to abandon the coalition, a purpose highly considered among the centenary ranks.
If one insists on damage control, partial or collateral, in the event that Massa is selected next Sunday, the candidate will then have a succession of internal battles to preserve his gravitation, now unusual (he is even president while being minister of Economy). Although he barely surpassed 50 years of age, the tradition of merciless Peronism overwhelms him: in that party they do not contemplate forgiving the generals of the defeat. And he would be a super commander. Another difficulty stalks him: he lacks a sanctuary to take refuge. Not even in the province of Buenos Aires where he always operates and does not have a place on the land where he lives, Tigre, since there he could not displace the current mayor, Julio Zamora, with the failed electoral claim of his wife, Malena Galmarini. And, as is known, he needs to be a magician to remain a high political leader without owning a territory. A day-to-day man, Massa doesn’t even worry: he faces the 22nd with a brutal inflation rate, exchange rate risk and a decline in activity. So that he is going to deal with the future when he cannot master the present.
In full enjoyment of the polls and, as a first-timer, Milei ignores a scenario of failure. Although he seems the most vulnerable if his aspiration is not fulfilled. He is worse than Massa, since she doesn’t even have a house in her name. No one represents him in the entire interior of the country and, if he has been fragile in being armed with favorable expectations, one can imagine the collapse of his scenery in the event that he does not reach the goal. Nor does it exhibit any resistant society, because if it were true – for example – the communion with the unionist Barrionuevo would have given up on appointing Gustavo Morón as head of Labor in a future administration, a man who comes from the Macrismo, was a collaborator of Mayor Guillermo Montenegro in Security and then completed the engineer’s mandate by serving in the ministry of his work specialty. If he becomes frustrated with La Rosada, the economist offers enormous helplessness: a good number of legislators will be left rudderless, fodder to be consumed by the oxen of the government in power. Just as he can garner legislative allies if he comes to power, it seems complex that he can attract followers from the same field from his seat as a deputy. In politics, expectations and the offer of positions are key. For one of those emergencies Milei does not have authorization if the presidential fortune does not accompany him. He may inherit himself, with a new project, with a libertarian ideology more promising of power than that of Álvaro Alsogaray last century. There is so little left that it is not worth speculating.
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