While King Philip cannot make sense of the fact that a Flemish nationalist wants to save Belgium, Bart De Wever gave the beginning of an answer after the premiere of ‘BDW, political animal’. “We have come to the point of the inability of politics.”
‘Oh, but I’m good at playing statesman. If I do anything more here, I will automatically become Gaston Eyskens’, Bart De Wever jokes in the film in front of a plate of sweets, when party spokesman Philippe Kerckaert advises him to step into the role of statesman after his unexpected election victory this year.
Paul Jambers’ film is a time document about De Wever, who has been chairman of the N-VA for just 20 years. During that period he emerged from a real devil to a savior of the country. He not only made his mark on Wetstraat, he is now also a BV. At the premiere of the film, the hall was packed and other famous Flemish people were more than happy to have their picture taken with the ‘political animal’.
No one in Flanders – except perhaps Ghent – still sees De Wever as a narrow-minded Flemish nationalist. In French-speaking Belgium they consider him legitimate as prime minister. Here and there he is even the hope of improvement for the south of the country, where a political landslide has taken place this year. For the first time in Wallonia, a center-right government with the French-speaking liberals of the MR and the center party Les Engagés is in power.
No one in Flanders – except perhaps Ghent – still sees Bart De Wever as a narrow-minded Flemish nationalist.
For French-speaking Belgium, it is a real turning point that De Wever is accepted as prime minister, noted the chairman of Les Engagés, Maxime Prévot, in a double interview with CD&V chairman Sammy Mahdi. ‘That seems obvious to the Flemish, because the N-VA has been your leading party for a long time. But for French-speaking Belgium this is a paradigm shift. This government is also acceptable to the French speakers.’
Demir’s warning
In French-speaking Belgium, it was not De Wever who was questioned, but Conner Rousseau, the leader of Vooruit who no longer wanted to negotiate an Arizona coalition until Friday afternoon. And even though Rousseau is a master communicator, he couldn’t shake the perception that he was running away from his responsibility to form the only logical coalition that emerged from the June 9 ballot box.
A poll by Het Laatste Nieuws and VTM Nieuws showed that confidence in Rousseau is the lowest of all presidents, except for Vlaams Belang leader Tom Van Grieken. De Wever enjoys the most confidence, even though history seems to be repeating itself for the N-VA chairman. Flemish minister Zuhal Demir had warned him at the N-VA party office not to separate the Flemish government negotiations from the federal ones, after the latter had crashed for the first time in August.
Bart De Wever broke off the bromance with Conner Rousseau by increasingly blaming him and appointing him as a leader who evades his responsibility.
In August, MR chairman Georges-Louis Bouchez was given the black spot, even though it was already clear that the problem was mainly at Vooruit. As the only left-wing party, Vooruit should defy the criticism on the left of the De Wever government. Rousseau seemed to have no interest in this, unless he could come out even stronger on October 13. But that was disappointing. In Sint-Niklaas he missed out on the mayor’s sash and in Ghent his party did not follow him to form a coalition with the N-VA.
By increasingly pointing to him as the leader who evades his responsibility, De Wever broke the bromance with Rousseau and blamed him. ‘What kind of signal are you giving to the population if you don’t even want to come to negotiations after five months?’ With that statement, De Wever further increased the pressure on the Vooruit chairman during the premiere of ‘BDW, political animal’.
If Rousseau did not want to be left in the black, he had to return to the negotiating table, which he reluctantly did on Thursday. The opening that De Wever had made was sufficient to resume negotiations on an Arizona coalition, it was said. And on Friday the redeeming answer came: Vooruit is participating.
Hidden agenda?
Not only the Belgian people, but also the palace continues to believe in De Wever, who, despite a second crash in negotiations, can still play extra time after extra time to save the country. When Jacques van Ypersele de Strihou, chief of staff of Baldwin and Albert II, was still in Laeken, things were completely different. A Flemish nationalist who wanted to split the country had to be put aside as quickly as possible.
According to Bart De Wever, the political class is sinking further into the inability to do what is necessary.
It was only when retired top diplomat Frans Van Daele became King Philippe’s chief of staff that the situation changed. This turnaround at the palace caused a shock effect in French-speaking Belgium, especially when Vlaams Belang chairman Tom Van Grieken was received for the first audience after the May 2019 elections. What was of greater political importance was that from then on the palace chose De Wever’s card.
Although King Philip continues to wonder whether there is a hidden Flemish nationalist agenda behind the role that De Wever plays as a statesman, as he jokingly suggests in the Jambers film. The fact that Wallonia has now voted centre-right is no reason for De Wever to stop the fight for more Flemish autonomy, he says in ‘BDW, political animal’. Although the dream of a major state reform seems to have been shelved for a while, because the required two-thirds majority in parliament is not within reach.
De Wever provided a beginning of an answer to the Laeken riddle in a philosophical reflection after the premiere. “After 20 years we have reached the point of political inability,” De Wever said. According to him over a long period the degradation of administrative capacity in this country is undeniable. Things have been moving fast, especially since the turn of the century. There has not been a federal government since then that has been able to do what is necessary. And according to him, the political class is sinking further into that inability.
‘Well done’
De Wever himself put his leadership on display when he broke his silence last week and declared in front of the cameras that he is doing his ‘stinking best’ and that it is ‘inexplicable that you are there in these circumstances – a high budget deficit, economic tough weather and geopolitical instability with the return of Donald Trump to the White House – would not succeed in putting together a government.” Then the abyss beckons.
Whatever the case, Bart De Wever always draws the winning card. His reasoning is that either Belgium will be reorganized or it will be closed down after bankruptcy.
But whatever the case, De Wever always draws the winning card. His reasoning is that either Belgium will be reorganized or it will be closed down after bankruptcy. That is how the savior of Belgium and the Flemish nationalist find each other. Even if it turns out to be a fiasco and there is no other choice than elections, De Wever seems to be the only one who should not fear an electoral punishment.
Well doneJambers would say in a voice-over, if the 79-year-old Flemish king of the report would later produce a sequel. ‘BDW, political animal’ would become Jambers’ farewell to the media, just as the predicted election defeat seemed to be the end of De Wever. But when the results came in on June 9 and it became clear that the N-VA, despite all expectations and polls, remained bigger than Vlaams Belang, De Wever made it clear that it was not game over yet. “Come back in five years.”
Bart De Wever: Political Animal or Just Another Beast in the Arena?
So we’re at the premiere of ‘BDW, Political Animal’, and it seems that Bart De Wever has decided to come out from under the rock of Flemish nationalism. Who knew that a plate of sweets could inspire such profound political introspection? It’s a bit like a toddler trying to play chess after discovering they can stack the pieces—completely hilarious but utterly bewildering!
In the documentary, De Wever dons the politician’s hat with the charm of a used car salesman—only slightly less slick! Joking about his prowess as a statesman brings to mind the classic British comedy: a blend of self-deprecation mixed with an extravagant dose of self-confidence. Is he playing politics or is politics playing him? Now there’s a riddle wrapped in a sweet coating!
Fast-forward to the changes in Wallonia, where a center-right government has decided to shake hands with the N-VA, and you’d think we were living in a sitcom plot twist! Maxime Prévot, chairman of Les Engagés, remarked how De Wever’s acceptance by French-speaking Belgium is akin to a dog wearing sunglasses—novel and slightly unbelievable. For them, his acceptance as prime minister sounds like music to their ears…or perhaps just a chorus of confused chirps.
Demir’s Warning and Rousseau’s Chaotic Coalition
And then there’s Conner Rousseau, the face of Vooruit who’d rather write a selfie than negotiate a coalition. Where is his accountability—out shopping for a new Instagram filter? De Wever’s relentless pressure does make one question, “What’s real in politics? Is the check really in the mail, or are we just paying for postage?”
In a political world where Rousseau is apparently the master of slip-and-slide negotiations, De Wever plays the role of the unforgiving yet slightly baffled partner in this twisted dance. If Rousseau intends to avoid being the star of a cancellation, he better lace up those negotiating boots real quick! They finally made it back to the table just in time, but I’d suggest keeping an eye on the dessert tray—one can’t trust sweets in politics!
Hidden Agendas and Political Ambiguity
Speaking of desserts, De Wever’s ambivalence towards his ambitions is more than a suspicion; it’s an open secret! Is he truly advocating for Belgian unity or merely biding his time while scheming about Flanders’ autonomy like a cat eyeing a sunbeam? King Philippe’s musings about De Wever’s possible wanting to split the country sound like the plot twist of a political thriller—if only it didn’t feel so much like a comedy of errors instead!
Ah, the degradation of administrative capacity! Who doesn’t love a good metaphor for human incompetency strewn with bureaucratic jargon? “It’s not me; it’s the system” seems to be the mantra of politicians everywhere! De Wever asserting he’s doing his “stinking best” comes across as the perfect soundbite for a politician who’s fishing for sympathy in a room full of sharks. Are they passing the blame right back to him with a “nice try, Bart, but we’re still hungry”? I’d wager yes!
The Master of Political Chess
And in true form, De Wever shows us his shiny card—either Belgium gets a makeover, or we face a political bankruptcy. Is he the ultimate game master, or just a jester in this bizarre kingdom? You can almost hear the stirring music in the background as he plays his hand, consistently dodging electoral punishment like a pro! It’s the political equivalent of “Watch me juggle flaming swords while dodging pies!” Truly the entertainment of the decade!
With the N-VA still towering above like a skyscraper in a town of bungalows, De Wever defies the odds and flashes that cheeky grin. As Jambers would say, “Well done!” if our dear Flemish king of documentary pride were ever to pen a sequel, one just wonders what he would name it: *Bart Unleashed*? *Anatomy of a Political Beast*? Whatever plays out on the coming political stage, it’s bound to be a show worth watching!
So, folks, whether Bart De Wever emerges as a savior or simply evolves into a footnote in Belgium’s history, one thing is for sure: we’re in for a wild ride filled with laughter, tears, and more political theatrics than one can shake a stick at! And that’s the charm of politics, isn’t it? We tune in for the entertainment and hope for the best—after all, every king needs a good laugh too!
While King Philip grapples with the perplexing notion that a Flemish nationalist is taking steps to preserve the integrity of Belgium, Bart De Wever has begun to articulate a response following the premiere of the documentary ‘BDW, political animal’. He stated, “We have come to the point of the inability of politics,” reflecting a deep-seated frustration with the current political climate.
In a candid moment during the film, Bart De Wever humorously remarked, “Oh, but I’m good at playing statesman. If I do anything more here, I will automatically become Gaston Eyskens.” This quip surfaced when party spokesman Philippe Kerckaert suggested De Wever assume a more statesman-like demeanor after his unanticipated election victory this year, hinting at the weight of expectations placed upon him.
Paul Jambers’ documentary serves as a historical account of Bart De Wever, who has spent two decades as the chairman of the N-VA party. Over these years, he has transformed his image from a figure often seen as contentious to one viewed as a potential savior for Belgium. De Wever’s influence extends far beyond the political arena, with his celebrity status growing significantly, evident from the enthusiastic turnout at the film’s premiere where numerous renowned Flemish personalities eagerly posed for photographs alongside the ‘political animal’.
No one in Flanders perceives Bart De Wever as a narrow-minded nationalist anymore—except perhaps in Ghent. In fact, his acceptance as a legitimate candidate for prime minister in French-speaking Belgium marks a significant shift in political dynamics. As noted by Maxime Prévot, chairman of Les Engagés, and echoed by CD&V chairman Sammy Mahdi in a recent interview, this change signifies a watershed moment: “That seems obvious to the Flemish, because the N-VA has been your leading party for a long time. But for French-speaking Belgium, this is a paradigm shift. This government is also acceptable to the French speakers.”
In French-speaking Belgium, the political discourse has shifted, with Conner Rousseau, the leader of Vooruit, facing scrutiny instead of De Wever. Rousseau’s reluctance to engage in negotiations toward forming a coalition following the June 9 elections has led to a perception of evasion of responsibility. While he is recognized for his communication prowess, Rousseau has struggled to address the mounting criticism directed at him during this politically charged period.
A revealing poll conducted by Het Laatste Nieuws and VTM Nieuws showcased Rousseau’s lack of confidence among political leaders, garnering the lowest trust rating except for Vlaams Belang’s Tom Van Grieken. In contrast, Bart De Wever enjoys higher confidence levels, although he faces a mounting challenge similar to previous struggles. Flemish minister Zuhal Demir cautioned De Wever at the N-VA party office against separating Flemish governmental negotiations from federal discussions, a warning steeped in the awareness of past failures in forming cohesive coalitions.
By increasingly pointing to Rousseau as one who evades responsibility, De Wever has effectively ended a previously amicable relationship, making it clear that serious negotiations must resume. “What kind of signal are you giving to the population if you don’t even want to come to negotiations after five months?” he questioned during the premiere of ‘BDW, political animal’, a moment that intensified pressures on Rousseau to act.
If Rousseau hoped to maintain his political integrity, his return to negotiations was essential—a move he reluctantly agreed to on Thursday following De Wever’s opening to re-engage in discussions regarding the Arizona coalition. By Friday, a breakthrough occurred: Rousseau announced that Vooruit was ready to participate in the coalition talks.
Not only do the Belgian populace and the palace continue to place faith in De Wever, who, despite negotiations falling apart again, still manages to press onward in his quest to save the country, but all eyes will stay on him. In a prior era, when Jacques van Ypersele de Strihou served as chief of staff to the monarchy, a Flemish nationalist intent on splitting the nation would have been swiftly sidelined.
That narrative shifted dramatically when retired diplomat Frans Van Daele took on the role, causing a ripple effect in French-speaking Belgium’s political landscape, particularly evident when Vlaams Belang’s Tom Van Grieken was welcomed for an audience soon after the May 2019 elections. De Wever’s appointments signaled a significant change in royal strategy, one that favored a partnership with the N-VA.
Even with King Philip’s lingering uncertainties regarding De Wever’s motivations—the potential for a hidden Flemish nationalist agenda—De Wever has dismissed such notions, reinforcing that the sentiment of achieving greater Flemish autonomy remains unshaken, even in light of Wallonia’s center-right election results. While the ambition for substantial state reform has temporarily stalled due to a lack of parliamentary support, De Wever’s reflections highlight serious concerns for Belgium’s administrative effectiveness.
Reflecting on the state of politics, De Wever remarked philosophically, “After 20 years we have reached the point of political inability.” His observations underscore a pervasive degradation of governance over time. “There has not been a federal government since then that has been able to do what is necessary,” he lamented, suggesting that the political class continues to falter in fulfilling its obligations to the public.
De Wever demonstrated his political acumen last week by publicly asserting that he is making every effort to address the nation’s pressing challenges. He stated, “It’s inexplicable that you are there in these circumstances—a high budget deficit, economic challenges, and geopolitical instability with the return of Donald Trump to the White House—and would not succeed in putting together a government.” The stakes couldn’t be higher; a failure to act could lead to dire consequences.
Ultimately, De Wever continues to present himself as the one holding the winning card. He firmly believes that Belgium faces a binary choice: a necessary reorganization or the threat of failure leading to bankruptcy. The intersection of his identity as both a savior figure and a Flemish nationalist may ultimately prove to be interlinked ambitions. Even if the eventual outcome is disappointing, with elections on the horizon, De Wever maintains an air of confidence that electoral repercussions will not threaten his political standing.
Well done Jambers would remark in his signature fashion, foreseeing a sequel to the narrative that intertwines the twists and turns of De Wever’s political journey. ‘BDW, political animal’ stands as Jambers’ tribute to De Wever, a political journey that seemed poised for a disappointing conclusion after electoral predictions took a turn. However, when the results revealed that the N-VA remained the dominant party, exceeding expectations despite challenges, De Wever reiterated defiantly, “Come back in five years.”
What strategies can politicians implement to better connect with the everyday concerns of citizens?
Government for five years, and we have seen an increasing disconnection between politicians and the everyday concerns of citizens. This is a concerning trend that needs addressing.”
De Wever’s call for accountability isn’t just a jab at Rousseau; it’s an indictment of the entire political class, signaling that it’s high time to reassess priorities and strategies. As political spectators, we find ourselves caught in a web of irony and entertainment, where the stakes are genuine, yet the political antics often feel more like a circus than the serious business of governance.
As both leaders navigate this turbulent political landscape, it is evident that the dance between De Wever and Rousseau will continue, fraught with risks and potential rewards. The critical question remains: who will ultimately seize the day—De Wever with his seasoned strategist tactics, or Rousseau with his youthful charm and communicative agility?
In the rapidly unfolding drama that mirrors a real-life political thriller, audiences are left to wonder what twists and turns will arise next. Will cooperation win over competition, or will political ambitions lead to further stalemates? These uncertainties ensure that the upcoming months in Belgian politics promise to deliver more than just policy debates; they will serve as an unfiltered view into the complexities of coalition-building and the nuances of leadership in a divided society.
Ultimately, whether De Wever is heralded as the savior of Belgian unity or Rousseau regains his footing as a formidable adversary remains to be seen. However, as the narrative unfolds, one thing is unequivocally certain: in the world of politics, the show must go on! And as spectators, we can do little more than grab our popcorn and observe the spectacle of it all, hoping to catch a glimpse of genuine change amidst the performative chaos.
