(1) Interesting effects of one-person election
──The general public does not care regarding the election of the chief executive. It is no secret that they have never been able to participate. Even so, the public can still find topics of interest in the past chief executive elections, and they can sit on the sidelines, “peeling peanuts”, and watch the competition. Although it is not a confrontation, it can be considered a touch-and-go confrontation. However, the results of this chief executive election were predicted, and the process also lacked the attention of the public, becoming “normal (meaning that the citizens should not care) within the normal (meaning that the citizens have reasons not to care)”.
──The establishment also said “fairness”. A friend from the establishment said to me: Citizens have been complaining that they “have no choice (referring to losing the right to vote)”, which is unfair to them; but now the establishment also “have no choice (referring to losing the right to choose).” From this perspective, We all “have no choice”, isn’t it “fair”? It’s their dark humor. But what is even more humorous is that their psychological qualities are very strong, and they can immediately turn sadness into joy and fully devote themselves to it, because even if they “can’t choose”, they can also participate in a “fascinated” way to seek development opportunities. That’s what sets them apart from the general public.
──After Li Jiachao ran for election, he still did not come up with a platform. From a good point of view, this is because the platform should be written better and more in line with actual needs. From another perspective, it doesn’t matter what the platform is, because the key to any platform is to see the effect of its implementation in the future. In addition, the central government’s policy on governing Hong Kong is already the draft of the political platform. The key is how to implement specific policies. How can we say that there is no political platform? The question is just how well the platform conforms to popular opinion.
──These interesting phenomena will further curb and reduce the public’s willingness to care regarding political issues and prospects, because “what’s the use of caring?” This may be the official expectation. The public care less, that is, “less resistance.” However, this will also lead to the possibility of blindness and failure of decision-making, which will increase the gap between officials and the public.
(2) Is the priority of future work realistic?
──Article 23 of the Basic Law, national security education and other related content are already on the horizon. April 15 is “National Security Education Day” (this year is also Easter’s “Good Friday”), and the mainland ranked Hong Kong at the top of the “national security struggle”, which was the “third historical resolution” of the CCP last year. It reflects that the official believes that the situation in Hong Kong is the most complicated and difficult to fully control, so we must increase our efforts.
I’ve never denied these needs, but the key is that they must be appropriate, and they must not be stormy, otherwise it will be counterproductive. It can be seen that the official is serious, and the people are looking at flowers in the fog. Experience has proved that even if the government conducts education in the pouring rain, the objective effect is “you have what you say, I can block it; you can prepare, and I can avoid it; the form is with you, and the heart is lying to you”. This is also the case in the mainland. Does the official have to think regarding some more effective methods?
──Customs clearance is indeed a major focus at the moment. However, should you clear domestic customs first, or international customs first? But it may raise questions of political attitudes; the latter may be seen as “politically incorrect”. In fact, this involves a question: Can the mainland and Hong Kong handle this together flexibly? For some things, one can focus on form, and on the other hand, focus on practicality. I remember that when both sides of the strait requested to join the WTO at the same time, Taiwan was more prepared, but the mainland had to join the WTO before Taiwan. At that time, the relationship between the two sides of the strait was not as bad as it is today, and the two sides maintained communication with the WTO. The official date of joining is only 21 days earlier), becoming the 143rd member, while Taiwan is the 144th member.
– Issues of government structure and efficiency of civil servants. Opinions in this regard vary and will not be repeated here. However, since the handover of Hong Kong, the influence of the mainland’s political culture has been seen by passers-by, and it has evolved into a question of whether civil servants can adapt. According to the political culture of the mainland, civil servants are required to speak and understand politics, and senior officials must become members of the Communist Party of China. These are still not mandatory requirements in Hong Kong as there are also international implications to consider.
However, according to the Civil Service Bureau, as of December 2021-22 (that is, 9 months), a total of 8,274 civil servants have resigned, of which 2,809 have resigned, and the resignation rate is the highest since the handover. As for the reasons, there are different interpretations, but it is inseparable from issues such as politics and work pressure, and the officials must pay attention. If the civil service is unstable, it will affect the effectiveness of governance and lead to more conflicts between officials and the people.
──More important is the economic problem following the epidemic. As simple as how to pay for the epidemic? Some accounts are necessary expenses and cannot be avoided, but how can these accounts make the public comfortable? also important content. This involves the question of whether citizens are willing to cooperate with the government in the future, or whether they are passive and reluctant to accept it.
In addition, it is difficult for ordinary people to influence macro policies, but they are more concerned regarding micro matters, such as whether future tax and fee items will increase? These are matters that directly involve people’s livelihood and social stability, and must be planned early to avoid conflicts.
(3) Pay attention to invisible political costs and wastage
These questions appear to be empty, but they are real; here they are just to point out and provoke thinking.
──Which category should the official consciousness of struggle be placed in? Mao Zedong said: “Who are our enemies? Who are our friends? This question is the primary question of the revolution.” (See “Analysis of Various Classes in Chinese Society”) However, there has been a lot of confusion on this issue, and it must be carefully examined. It simply repeats Chiang Kai-shek’s old saying that “in order to fight once morest foreigners, we must first make peace with the inside”.
──If public opinion towards official policy further develops towards “slow response, cold treatment, passive acceptance and even non-acceptance, latent anger and secret resistance”, how should the official avoid this substantial “lying flat”? Of course, this is the free choice of capable citizens, but it certainly affects the official wishful thinking.
──The best effect in front of you is peace and quiet. Since there are already many loyal people serving, “the king is the world’s affairs”, then we might as well accept and respect the people’s voluntary “laying flat” (the connotation is different from the official one). Instead of using a campaign-style approach to mobilize citizens to respond to official policies, it is better to let more “Tao concentrate on their own biases” to avoid adding to the storm.
The author is a current affairs commentator
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