It was or seemed that the front of all I was in free fallincluding the image of its leader —among his own hosts— due to the ambiguity or contradictions as a member of the coalition and, in particular, due to the implicit support for the empowerment of Serge Massa.
Even more: the cut, deferral or adjustment to dry in the budgets of areas such as Health, Education and Housing, coupled with the ratification of Gabriel Rubinstein as deputy minister, put (and put) Cristina in the very narrow alley of the differences between Necessary pragmatism and resigned possibilism.
And that’s when Luciani arrived, of course as a figurehead of the reactionary group clouded by hatred.
A prosecutor with serious expressive difficulties when pouring out the content of his accusation, tied to papers and teleprompter. And whose potato in the mouth suggests, precisely, rather than functional or organic articulatory problems, the typical lack of conviction in the above. The overacting. The histrionics of hyperbole. (the magnificent column of Mario Goloboffin Page 12 last friday).
Whether you are for or against CFK, in the political field itself, It is beyond any reasonable doubt that the accusation of the prosecutor —specifically in the Vialidad case— is a legal delirium. Or, furthermore, as Goloboff points out and being benevolent, a literary fiction.
It is in the seriously organic powerhouses of the right (Carlos Pagni, for example, who is not part of the kitsch fronting of Macri’s television signal), from where it is noted that Luciani in general, and especially when accusing a government Democratic by illicit association, he has no more head or tail than the daydreams of the prosecutor and his titans in the ring.
It is from there that they warn, perhaps late, that things could calmly end in an acquittal, or in a (very) minor conviction for fraud against the public administration. And in a victimized Cristina, capable of boldly reintroducing herself into popular and electoral favor. Like Lula: that’s what they say.
A first question, which arises ipso facto, is How can it be that the right, in its most operative face (the Judicial Party, the Media, the “partisan” and the corporations to whose interests they respond) has made the blunder of interrupting the enemy when he was or would be making a mistake.
Vale.
But it is also useful to question whether the Luciani thing does not work, perhaps, as a point of balance, of re-harmonization (that is to say), for the confrontation between the Cambiamite bands.
Here it was pointed out, a week ago, how striking that in The Nation+ will highlight adventures of the macrista candidate Christian Ritondolinked to gangs of police officers, judges and lawyers from Buenos Aires, allegedly associated with drug trafficking.
It was and is just a sample button.
Carrió had already activated the internal fan with the consent of Macri, to then add a complaint for espionage against Patricia Bullrich.
Gerardo Morales, the capanga who governs Jujuy, came out to the crossroads and accused Carrió of being “the Cristina of Together for Change.”
The mayor of Buenos Aires was left in the middle without knowing where to shoot, between his need to hawk adjectives so as not to appear “moderate” and, at the same time, continue calling for a “broad coalition” that includes “Peronists”, at the end of a “70 percent of the electorate” because, otherwise, “no one could rule.”
And after the almost incredible mistake of the secluded fence, Larreta was seen furious, very uncomfortable, in what was not even a press conference. But, in the end, he “surrendered” and played at hardening his verb (although, as marked Clarion in its central title on the cover, this Sunday, it wrinkled because it had to withdraw the Police).
Heidi hadn’t reappeared because she didn’t know exactly where to stand either. In Córdoba, the questions of whether Schiaretti will play at “independent” Cordovanism that harms the humorist Luis Juez. in Mendoza, the radical Cornejo reclaims the coreligionist massist? Morales.
And, in the case of the province of Buenos Aires or, in essence, its third cordon as the mother of all battles, Ritondo against Santilli; Santilli against Vidal or it is not known; Comandante Pato against Carrió or it is not known either. More Macri against Larreta and vice versa?, presiding over the show.
Basically, just as all of them would agree when they govern, to proceed with a genuine anti-popular and colossal adjustment, there is the meanwhile that they are a mess.
That is what that organically more serious right warns them, that neither does it have a univocal front.
The faction of the ruling class ascribed to agro-export has interests that are not necessarily articulated with the part of the industrial framework linked to the internal market. Business sectors of mining, lithium, the energy market, they play a game that wants to trust Massa. “The field” is not all the same: the Gauchocrat Liaison Table has a superlative media influence, but lacks absolute representativeness and the calls for strikes (with the roadblocks shouted by their loose gurkas) were a fiasco.
And then Luciani arrived.
What did that pathetic prosecutor do? Nothing less than reinstating Cristina as the great computer of Argentine politics. And unleashing an enthusiastic and unpredictable barrage.
all unified with her, because with Cristina you don’t fuck around. And everyone against her because it is the mare, dangerous, that they envy deeply and What else would they like to have instead of some chichipíos with less street than Venice.
Luciani’s narcissistic madness, driven by the hegemonic organs of communication? who now see the neighborhood where Ella lives surrounded to the cry that Recoleta belongs to Perón; inventing that they are all planeros when even their cell phones register ladies, gentlemen and youth who leave work without any micro contracted through and they are going to tell her here we are, Cristina, and all the PJ tribes get together, and they say we are going to destroy the street that we lost, throughout the country… that madness of hate resurfaced epic, or certain epic, that had gone astray.
Where has it been seen, today, that somewhere they come out to defend a leader, a reference, a symbol, regardless of the fact that there is an economic program more closely related to adjustment than to distributive justice?
The support for Cristina has a moving intensity, not only among her own but also against those who had forgotten what it was like to shudder with a political figure.
But now comes the most complicated answer question.
Just as it is impressive that so many or so significant people take to the streets, because probably or surely the memory that we were better once recently was reactivated, and because —on top of that— they go out to that street for a fact that connects with the political and not economic How much will that connection serve to build Power?
Between the power of sentiment to protect Cristina, against the political and judicial persecution she faces, and the strength of anti-Peronism as a historical engine of similar or greater volume, what happens and will happen with the workers who yoke her at all hours; with the silent majority attending intense minority activism; With those who argue, presumably and logically, that I don’t eat, or I can’t make ends meet, with none of that Luciani thing, or the harassment of Cristina, or that she’s a dumbass, not even three dicks?
Impossible to know.
It could be that this emotional reactivation of the Frente de Todos, which these days liquefies its fractures and dissent, has a limited scope because the majority of “the people” suffer from being swallowed by inflation. Not Cristina’s judicial karma.
And it could be that the need to believe again in something/someone from “politics” (whose credibility is at the lowest level since 2001) holds surprises.
It will depend on the majority perception in terms of expectations and specifics in economic matters.
Massa does not shoot, nor will he shoot, if he does not show that, in addition to his personal ambitions, he has a wrist and internal support to combine the clans of a corporate aristocracy that insists on lacking leadership capacity.
But Those clans don’t trust the uncoordinated murga of the Cambiamite scene either.
For now, when it was or seemed that there was nothing more to do in the FdT, Luciani arrived as a reference for that murga.
And Cristina, personally and as a reference to revived memory, challenges them that, minimally, not everything has been said.
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