The campaign still lacks the elements that will be decisive in the upcoming electoral contests, which the political rift once once more presents as pivotal instances for the unstable and unpredictable Argentina.
In this incipient proselytizing race, what seems to be a common denominator predominates, of course with nuances, between the ruling coalition Frente de Todos (FDT) and the opposition Juntos por el Cambio (JPC): both sectors remain in the complex and uncomfortable mud of the internal ones and the contradictions.
Those conflicts that politics still cannot resolve are the ones that make it impossible to know what the future plans will be beyond the generalities that are reproduced from one side and the other to the four winds to try to empathize with the electorate.
Recent episodes support that perception. For example, the narrative that the FDT resorted to so that the militancy does not suffer the weight of the paradoxes in the search for followers was truncated when Alberto Fernández tried to give it a regional flight.
When heading the summit of the Community of Latin American and Caribbean States (Celac), the President spoke of a democracy at risk and pointed once morest the “recalcitrant and fascist right”, while minimizing, under the premise of the self-determination of the peoples, the questions once morest the violations of human rights in Venezuela, Nicaragua and Cuba.
Question of Codes
But his message was diluted when Luis Lacalle Pou, the president of Uruguay (or “the younger brother of Argentina”, according to Sergio Massa), reminded him that, in several of the CELAC member countries, “they do not respect the democracy, nor institutions, nor human rights”. And he completed his counterpoint by warning that this regional forum should not become a “club of ideological friends.”
The event also exposed the inability of those who make up the FDT to settle their differences, or perhaps, the vocation to submit them to the consideration of public opinion in the hope of shaping the unpredictable internal.
Namely, Cristina Kirchner faced a parallel agenda in her Senate office, in which she failed to include Lula da Silva, but the note was given by her faithful representative in the cabinet, Eduardo “Wado” de Pedro when he went out to attack Alberto Fernández for not having added him to a meeting with the Brazilian president and human rights personalities. The Minister of the Interior and a reference for La Cámpora resorted to harsh terms that he circulated with journalistic reports: he said that the head of state “does not have codes” and that “he omitted to invite him because he sees him as a competitor for the next elections.”
The drama of the inmates also set off the alarms in the JPC leadership. The heads of the PRO, the UCR, the Civic Coalition and the Federal Republican Meeting met urgently in the face of possible ruptures in some key provinces, such as Mendoza, and agreed to sanction those who put unity at risk. Strictly speaking, they will not be allowed to use the party seal.
the milei effect
Although the interests that promote the disputes are adjusted to the particularities of each territory, one of the main causes lies in the fight for the presidential candidacy between the head of the PRO, Patricia Bullrich (or directly Mauricio Macri?), and the head of Buenos Aires Government, Horacio Rodríguez Larreta.
With the equations to fight at the polls unresolved, in the FDT and in JPC they resort to the well-known mode of operation of confrontation that allows them to gain visibility without the need to delve into more complex issues, or uncomfortable to tell, such as the recipe that will be used to try to reverse the inflationary race.
The start in the Chamber of Deputies of the political trial promoted by the national government once morest the Supreme Court of Justice became fertile ground to give continuity to that spectacle of crosses and Chicanas.
But on the plain other concerns predominate. And this contrast between the issues that afflict the political leadership and civil society became a worrying phenomenon because it feeds the anti-political tide that finds meaning in the social burden and that personalizes the libertarian Steppenwolf Javier Milei.
In the operations centers of the FDT and JPC, they closely follow the Milei effect because it promises to be, according to the measurements of the consultants, the variable that will define the result in another election of extreme polarization. Of course, they do it with different conjectures because, while in the ruling party they identify him as the most extreme reference of the enemy to face, in the opposition there are those who found in his positions a way to connect with the disenchanted sectors.
The great mystery of the campaign has to do with the plans that each of the sides will implement, if that is the intention, to give the Argentine economy some predictability and solve chronic problems like those that Pope Francis reviewed without worrying. to measure your words.
The Argentine at the head of the Catholic Church complained regarding the level of poverty and the “impressive inflation” and did not hesitate to blame the political class. “Bad administration,” he sentenced. However, in the Government they resorted to the hackneyed argument regarding the Macrista inheritance and in the opposition they called for silence.
