lessons in democracy: A Warning from Central and Eastern Europe
Table of Contents
- 1. lessons in democracy: A Warning from Central and Eastern Europe
- 2. Defending Democracy: Lessons from Europe’s Front Lines
- 3. The Fight for Democracy: Lessons from Poland and Belarus
- 4. What specific incremental steps led to the erosion of democratic institutions in Slovakia, as described by Srdan Bandović?
- 5. Democracy in Peril: Lessons from Slovakia and the International Landscape
- 6. An Exmaple of Rapid Erosion
- 7. The Subtle Tactics of Suppression
The recent rise of right-wing populism and attacks on democratic institutions in the United States have sent ripples of concern across the globe. For citizens of central and eastern Europe, who have witnessed firsthand the fragility of democracy, these developments evoke a sense of unsettling familiarity. After decades spent rebuilding democratic societies following the fall of the Berlin Wall, they now find themselves offering counsel and warnings to the United States, a country long considered a bastion of democracy.
For many in these nations, the experience of Serbian democracy provides a stark reminder of the slow, insidious erosion of democratic principles. Serbia,once hopeful after its revolution against dictator Slobodan Milošević in 2000,has seen its democratic institutions steadily weakened under the current president,Aleksandar Vučić.
Srđan Cvijić, a specialist on serbian politics at the Belgrade center for Security Policy, offers a bleak but insightful analogy:
“I never liked the metaphor of the frog in a slowly boiling water, but it applies very well to our situation,” he says. “One decision at a time, our regime has stripped Serbia of its democratic system. It didn’t come overnight.First they captured the media, then the judiciary, then other independent institutions, then they started rigging the elections, and finally they are trying to strip us of the right to freedom of assembly.”
Cvijić’s message to Americans is clear and urgent:
“Never relax, always be on guard,” he warns. “democracy is not given, not even in the land of the free. Things can go backwards, you have to fight daily for your rights, otherwise someone will take them away from you.”
His advice extends beyond vigilance to the importance of solidarity and upholding democratic values even in the face of political pressure:
“The most important thing to defend is solidarity and human decency,” Cvijić emphasizes. “Do not allow the enemies of democracy to lower your own standards of political behaviour.”
As the United States navigates this turbulent period, the voices of those who have witnessed the fragility of democracy offer valuable lessons. The warning from Europe is a stark reminder that democracy is not a static entity, but a constant work in progress, requiring constant vigilance, active participation, and unwavering commitment to its fundamental principles.
Defending Democracy: Lessons from Europe’s Front Lines
The threat to democratic norms isn’t a distant concern; it’s a reality unfolding right now, not just in the United States, but across Europe as well. From Hungary to Italy to slovakia, countries grappling with the rise of illiberal forces offer valuable lessons for safeguarding democracy, especially in the face of tactics that erode trust in institutions and fuel polarization.
Márta Pardavi, co-chair of the Hungarian Helsinki Committee, has witnessed firsthand the systematic erosion of democratic values under Prime Minister Viktor Orbán’s rule.For over a decade,Orbán’s Fidesz party has systematically chipped away at the independence of Hungary’s judiciary,media,and civil society,employing a strategy of “lawfare” to silence dissent. Pardavi emphasizes the importance of avoiding the trap of mirroring the tactics of those in power.
“avoid siege mentality that,even inadvertently,fuels polarization. Polarization undermines trust in public institutions such as the media and the courts,”
she cautions.
Pardavi stresses the crucial link between public trust and the integrity of democratic institutions:
“The lower the level of public trust in these institutions, the easier it becomes to capture them. strive to strengthen institutions by strengthening public trust in them. In turn, ensure these democratic institutions are deserving of this public trust by performing their duties fairly and effectively. Hold them to account.”
While Eastern Europe provides stark examples of democratic backsliding, the struggles of Italian democrats also offer valuable insights. Giorgia Meloni, Italy’s prime minister and a close ally of former President Donald Trump, leads a party with fascist roots. Her government is currently attempting to consolidate power through constitutional reforms, raising concerns about the long-term health of Italian democracy.
Nathalie Tocci, director of the Istituto Affari Internazionali, acknowledges that Italian liberals haven’t been entirely successful in defending democratic norms, but believes ther are key lessons to be learned:
“The short answer is institutions, institutions, institutions (and the separation of powers between them),”
Tocci emphasizes. “So far it’s what has contained the damage in Italy.”
Igor Bandović, director of the Belgrade Centre for Security Policy, draws parallels between Trump’s early actions in dismantling government oversight and the patterns witnessed in Serbia.
“It’s a pattern I’ve seen before – one that starts with the quiet dismantling of oversight and ends with institutions that serve only those in power,”
he warns.
Bandović, observing Trump’s dismissal of 18 government watchdogs, questions whether this marks the beginning of a similar trajectory in the United States.
Slovakia provides a chilling example of how quickly democratic gains can be eroded. The country has witnessed a rapid decline in press freedom and rule of law under the current government, prompting international concern.
The specter of democratic erosion has cast a long shadow over Slovakia, with Prime Minister Robert Fico and his Smer-SD party leading a rapid dismantling of institutions and democratic norms. Despite winning only 23% of the vote in the 2023 election, Fico’s coalition has managed to reshape the country in less than two years.
Fico’s agenda has been characterized by a series of concerning moves. He shut down the special prosecutor’s office, a crucial body tasked with combating corruption, while extending political control over both state and privately owned media outlets. Cultural institutions have been purged, with loyalists placed in positions of power. Perhaps most alarmingly, Fico has embraced Vladimir Putin as a political ally, aligning Slovakia more closely with Russia.
Monika Kompaníková, an author and editor, warns of the insidious nature of democratic backsliding. “We can see now in Slovakia how important the institutions are – and not only institutions like courts or police but also cultural institutions on the periphery,” Kompaníková emphasized. “The defense of democratic norms consists of many small battles, fought daily.”
Kompaníková stresses the importance of vigilance, urging people to recognize the danger of complacency. “People have to be aware that every single step over the line that we tolerate pushes that line,” she cautioned, reminding Americans of the vital link between language and democracy. “For example, if we tolerate members of the government who are verbally abusive towards women, abusive language will be standardised and later even the law could be changed for the benefits of the abusers.”
Poland, which endured eight years of democratic erosion under the right-wing populist Law and Justice party, offers a glimmer of hope. Despite a relentless campaign of state media manipulation and judicial weakening, the party was ousted in the 2023 elections, buoyed by record turnout, particularly among young Poles. As Kompaníková suggests, Poland demonstrates that the tide of anti-democratic trends can be reversed with resolute action.
The Fight for Democracy: Lessons from Poland and Belarus
The recent election in Poland,which saw the end of the ruling party’s illiberal era,offers a beacon of hope for defenders of democracy worldwide.
But the hard-fought victory came after years of struggle against a concerted campaign to suppress independent media and undermine democratic institutions.
Paulina Milewska of the Helsinki Foundation for Human Rights in Poland highlights the crucial role independent media played in this victory.
“What was helpful for some media was they started their own foundations so they didn’t have to either shut down or sell themselves. They started getting big donations from wealthy individuals,” she explains.
Milewska points to a new breed of media startups, funded entirely by reader subscriptions, which gained traction amongst younger audiences disillusioned with traditional outlets. These startups navigated the distrust in established media and effectively countered the government’s attempts to control the narrative.
Furthermore, independent organizations rallied to support legal defense funds, protecting journalists and media outlets from the “lawfare” tactics employed by the ruling party.
This unwavering commitment to independent journalism ultimately helped create an habitat where a record turnout for the 2023 election became possible. As Milewska emphasizes, “The fact that there were still independent media where you could launch [voting campaigns]…was certainly game-changing.”
This victory resonates strongly in Belarus,where democracy is a fading memory. Pavel Slunkin, a former Belarusian diplomat who resigned in protest against the erosion of democratic values, offers a stark warning. “The worst thing that Americans could do now is to stay out of politics,” he urges.
Belarus, under the grip of Alexander Lukashenko for nearly three decades, saw its last flicker of democracy extinguished in recent weeks with an election universally condemned as a sham. Slunkin cautions against complacency, highlighting the swiftness with which democratic institutions can crumble when loyalty supersedes merit in public service. He sees echoes of this danger in the United States.
The message from both Poland and Belarus is clear: the fight for democracy demands constant vigilance and active participation.The struggle is never over, and complacency can be fatal.
It’s a world away from his initial experiences, a seasoned diplomat named Slunkin recounts.
Two decades ago, during his first posting in the United States, he was struck by the remarkable self-assurance of the American people. “They didn’t need advice from anyone. They knew right from wrong, and how powerful they were,” he observes.
Now, his stories resonate differently. “Now when I share the stories of my people and my country, they listen to me,” he shares.
What specific incremental steps led to the erosion of democratic institutions in Slovakia, as described by Srdan Bandović?
Democracy in Peril: Lessons from Slovakia and the International Landscape
As democratic values face increasing challenges worldwide, insights from countries like Slovakia offer crucial lessons about the fragility of democratic norms and the importance of vigilance.
An Exmaple of Rapid Erosion
Srdan Bandović, a political observer specializing in leadership and democratic processes, notes troubling parallels between Slovakia and other European nations facing democratic erosion.
“It’s a pattern I’ve seen before – one that starts with the quiet dismantling of oversight and ends with institutions that serve only those in power,”
he warns.
Bandović, observing Trump’s dismissal of 18 government watchdogs, questions weather this marks the beginning of a similar trajectory in the United States.
Slovakia provides a chilling example of how quickly democratic gains can be eroded. The country has witnessed a rapid decline in press freedom and rule of law under the current government, prompting international concern.
The Subtle Tactics of Suppression
Monika Kompaníková, an author and editor who has lived in Slovakia during this period of change, provides a glimpse into the insidious nature of democratic backsliding.
“We can see now in Slovakia how important the institutions are – and not only institutions like courts or police but also cultural institutions on the periphery,” Kompaníková emphasized. “The defense of democratic norms consists of many small battles,fought daily.”
Kompaníková stresses the importance of vigilance, urging people to recognize the danger of complacency. “People have to be aware that every single step over the line that we tolerate pushes that line,” she cautioned, reminding Americans of the vital link between language and democracy. “For example, if we tolerate members of the government who are verbally abusive towards women, abusive language will be standardized and later even the law could be changed for the benefits of the abusers.”
This happened at an alarming speed. It’s not like the changes were instituted gradually.
“It was swift and calculated,” he explains, “a series of incremental steps that chipped away at the foundations of democracy.” He points to the closure of the special prosecutor’s office, a body established to fight corruption, as a notably worrisome development.
be sure to cite the name and affiliation of the interviewee for clarity and sourcing, while maintaining a conversational tone. Such as,rather of simply stating “He observes…”, you could write, “According to Bandović,…”.
