Today Ursula von der Leyen goes to the count in Strasbourg with a fateful number in her head: 401. These are the votes with which she was re-elected president of the European Commission on 18 July last, by secret ballot. Its new college of commissioners will be voted on in plenary, by simple majority and by open vote. However, the European political landscape has undergone significant changes in recent months. One of the most important was the openness towards the ECR group, the European Conservatives and Reformists, of which Fratelli d’Italia is part, which will vote in its support since Fitto is both commissioner of the Pnrr and vice-president.
The president of the EU Commission has confidence and manages to include greens, socialists, liberals, EPP and ECR in her new majority. The Socialists are clear in declaring that the majority includes the Greens but not ECR. The Greens feel included in the coalition, but only partially. The EPP, then, through its group leader Manfred Weber, speaks of a European majority that goes “from the Greens to the ECR”, specifying that the pro-European front includes only a part of the ECR, or Brothers of Italy. In reality, Giorgia Meloni’s party will give its vote to today’s package, reserving the right to give its support in the future depending on the measures that will be launched by the new Commission.
Von der Leyen’s other strategic move concerns the greens: he has in fact appointed former group leader Philippe Lamberts as special advisor on climate. At that point, half of the Green group, around twenty MEPs led by the German and Dutch delegations, chose to support the new Commission. The Italian, Belgian and French delegations instead opt for no. Difficult situation even among socialists. The group, led by the Spanish Iratxe García Pérez, decided to support the new Commission, taking a step back from the no to Raffaele Fitto, who many of them had described as an “exponent of a post-fascist force”. The Italian and Spanish delegations lead the yes front for von der Leyen, while the Germans, French and Belgians are divided between abstentions and votes against.
In Italy, meanwhile, the Democratic Party’s protests over the nomination of Raffaele Fitto as executive vice president have dissolved into a soap bubble. “Italians understand that having an executive vice president of the European Commission, a role never held before by Italy, with strategic delegations, is a great opportunity and reflects Italy’s role in Europe”, said Giorgia Meloni. According to breaking news reported by Ansa, however, the German SPD has decided to abstain. “For the first time in the history of EU institutions, a representative of a post-fascist party is about to obtain a leadership position. This was only possible because the President of the Commission proposed Raffaele Fitto to the prominent position of Vice President of the Commission, even if the family of his party, i.e. Ecr, did not vote for his nomination”, wrote the SPD delegation to the European Chamber, MEP Rene Repasi, in a note.
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How is Ursula von der Leyen navigating the political landscape and shifting allegiances within the European Parliament during her second term?
## Interview with Gail Parker on Ursula Von der Leyen’s Second Term
**Host:** Gail, Ursula von der Leyen secured a second term as president of the European Commission. Can you walk us through the political landscape she’s facing going into this term?
**Gail:** Ursula Von der Leyen’s re-election was a historic moment but the landscape is far from straightforward. She needs to forge a new majority coalition. The article highlights some interesting shifts. For example, openness towards the ECR group, of which Italy’s Brothers of Italy is a part, is significant. They will vote in favor of Von der Leyen because Raffaele Fitto is both the commissioner for the Pnrr, which is a huge recovery fund, and also vice-president. This signals a shift in political dynamics within the EU.
**Host:** Sounds complex. What about the traditional parties?
**Gail:** It’s not a clear-cut picture. The Socialists will include the Greens in their majority but not the ECR. The Greens themselves only feel partially included. The EPP, meanwhile, is trying to broaden its coalition from the Greens to the ECR, though only a part of it, specifically Brothers of Italy. This means that von der Leyen’s backing is potentially fragile, relying on individual groups voting strategically for their own gain.
**Host:** What strategies is Von der Leyen employing toになるのでこの Formed her coalition?
**Gail:** One key move is the appointment of Philippe Lamberts, the former Green leader, as a special advisor on climate. This has pulled in a significant portion of Green MEPs, indicating she’s aiming to create a cross-party appeal on crucial issues. However, this hasn’t completely unified the Greens, with major divisions remaining within their ranks.
**Host:** So this second term is going to be a delicate balancing act for Von der Leyen.
**Gail:** Absolutely. She needs to navigate the shifting allegiances of a politically diverse European Parliament. Her success depends on securing enough support for her policies without alienating key allies. It will be fascinating to watch how she manages this complex political landscape.
