2024-11-21 05:00:00
Following the elections, we follow the evolution of the political landscape and government negotiations in the other part of the country. In a weekly column, our colleagues at Tijd look back on the most significant events in Flanders.
No, this time, it is not she who will ignite the powder within the coalition in power in the north of the country, we were again assured Flemish Minister of Education (and Employment) Zuhal Demir (N-VA) in an interview with Tijd last weekend. Her words had barely finished making the rounds in Flemish political circles when she was at the origin of first clash within the government in the north of the country, led by Matthias Diependaele (N-VA).
His projectinform parents of the results obtained by schools in the Flemish central tests is viewed with fear by its government partners, the CD&V and Vooruit. They fear that the resulting classification of “good” and “bad” educational establishments will become a kind of TripAdvisor. Which cannot be the goal of monitoring low-performing schools.
Zuhal Demir never fears to oppose his coalition partners head-on.
Zuhal Demir mentioned it in his general policy letter, approved by the coalition partners, she defends. Before pointing out that we will have to respond carefully to parents who wonder about the results of their children’s school. And in any case, she emphasizes, the education inspectorate’s reports on poorly performing schools will be accessible to the public. We understood it, the minister has no intention of giving up on her project.
She is therefore not afraid, once again, to oppose head-on the coalition partnersalthough it had been expressly agreed, during the negotiations for the formation of the Flemish government, not to modify the decree on education.
While Jan Jambon wanted to remain Flemish Minister-President, he had to give way to his former Minister of Finance and party colleague, the less than charismatic Matthias Diependaele.
Jan Jambon has already paid the price
The fiery Limbourgeoise is not at her first attempt: in the previous government, where she served as Minister of the Environment, she got angry with almost everyone.
In the nitrogen issue, in particular, his inflexible position had almost caused, on several occasions, the fall of Jan Jambon’s government.
The latter also paid a high price politically.. While Jambon wanted to remain Flemish minister-president, he had to give way to his former finance minister and party colleague, the uncharismatic Matthias Diependaele, whose electoral score in East Flanders had been anything but impressive.
Jambon is therefore no longer the face of the Flemish government. Arm must of the trainer Bart De Wever in the negotiations at the Federal, he could become vice-prime minister within the Arizona coalition, if it sees the light of day. This role actually seems to suit Jambon better, who is never more effective than when he can maneuver out of the spotlight.
Zuhal Demir refused the super-ministry of Welfare that De Wever wanted to entrust to him. She wanted the Ministry of Education. And she got it.
More legitimate than ever to reform education
Zuhal Demir’s trajectory is quite different. While the tenors of the N-VA were preparing to blame him for the party’s expected defeat in the regional elections, the fiery resident of Genk emerged stronger than ever from the June 9 vote. It is she, after De Wever, who obtained the highest percentage of preference votes, which raises her to a solid second position in the unofficial hierarchy of the N-VA.
And she immediately took advantage of this when distributing positions within the Flemish government. She refused the super-ministry of Welfare that De Wever wanted to entrust to her. She wanted the Ministry of Education. And she got it. A victory which, however, quickly turned sour since his ministerial pretensions were no longer sufficient. a credible candidate for the mayoral sash of Genk, which she also coveted.
Like De Wever, she put on a good show by evoking her dilemma: the choice of the heart for Genk, opposed to the choice of reason for teaching, a sector that it intends to reform given its plummeting results after having long been the pride of the north of the country. The N-VA has made it its mission to put the “mammoth” back on the right path.
The heavy task of improving the quality of Flemish education therefore falls to Zuhal Demir, who is more popular than ever. Its political legitimacy was further strengthened following the municipal elections where it obtained a higher percentage of preferential votes in Genk than De Wever in Antwerp. This will therefore not be the last time that Matthias Diependaele will have to calm things down within his government, where the passionaria of the N-VA likes nothing so much as to play his part solo.
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In what ways might Demir’s assertive leadership influence the coalition dynamics regarding future educational policies in Flanders?
She got it, which reinforces her mandate to push for significant changes in the educational landscape of Flanders.
With her strong personality and clear vision, Demir is positioned to drive educational reform, adhering to her commitment to transparency and accountability in schools. The accessibility of the education inspectorate’s reports on underperforming schools signifies her dedication to involving parents in the educational process and responding to their concerns directly.
Despite the agreement made during the coalition negotiations to keep the education decree unchanged, Demir’s determination to challenge her coalition partners indicates a willingness to prioritize educational outcomes over political expediency. Her past experiences in the government and her assertive stance on issues, particularly the contentious nitrogen policies, have shaped her into a formidable figure within her party and the Flemish government.
As a result, vulnerable to public scrutiny and the expectations of constituents, Demir’s decisions will likely influence the direction of Flemish education policy for years to come. Her assertiveness combined with her recent electoral performance could signify a shift in the dynamics of Flemish politics, showcasing her growing influence, while also highlighting the delicate balance of power within the coalition.