The 68th Anniversary of Soviet Troops in Hungary: A Hilariously Somber Occasion
2024. November 4.
Ah, the 68th anniversary of a national day of mourning in Hungary! Because nothing says “party” like remembering the crushing of a revolution and the poor souls who were caught in the crossfire. Get your popcorn ready, it’s history time!
Back to 1956: A Quick Recap
On November 4, 1956, while most people were probably still contemplating their breakfast, Soviet troops decided to barge into Hungary like they were crashing a tea party. Prime Minister Imre Nagy had just declared Hungary’s neutrality—like shouting “I don’t want any trouble!” at a bouncer—and the Soviet military took that as an invitation to ramp up the invasion. Classic miscommunication, right?
General Kazakov Takes Charge
At the crack of dawn, General Kazakov assumed command of his thirsty troops. With the morning light beaming down, a cavalcade of Soviet soldiers sauntered over the border from Romania. One can almost imagine them marching in sync, singing, “Here we go again!” as they popped over to impose some ‘friendly’ assistance on their Hungarian neighbors.
Imre Nagy’s Last Stand
“Speaking here is Imre Nagy, President of the Council of Ministers of the Hungarian People’s Republic…”
Later that morning, at around 5:20 AM—just a tad too late for last-minute panic stations—Nagy’s dramatic radio speech reminded everyone that there was still a government intact, albeit under the most ridiculous amount of pressure. Meanwhile, back in the resistance line, they were doing everything they could to fight back, even switching to passive resistance, which, let’s be honest, is like deciding not to participate in a duel because, well, why not?
The Soviet Superiority Show
As the Soviet forces flexed their military muscles, it turned out that shouting “No, thank you!” at invading troops isn’t the most effective form of diplomacy. Who knew? Reports suggest that significant resistance was seen in towns across Hungary, creating a situation that was as confusing as a Lee Evans stand-up routine—lots of movement, a bit of chaos, and still no resolution in sight.
International Outcry or Whispers in the Dark?
Meanwhile, in New York, world leaders stood up, pointed fingers, and somehow managed to schedule a meeting. “Soviet Union, stop that!” they collectively shouted, but Moscow was too busy ignoring them and cracking down on dissent back home. This political theatre deserved an audience, but sadly it was more “One-man show” than “Broadway blockbuster.”
A Grim Toll
By the end of that fateful day, a tragic tally revealed 135 lives lost in Budapest alone, while the count soon soared to over 2,600 across the country. When they say history is written by the victors, one really hopes they meant “chronicles of losses” instead of “how to invade a country like a misguided tourist.”
The Aftermath and the Final Curtain
The aftermath saw the Kádár regime take charge, but not without a series of executions that might as well be titled “How to Win Friends and Influence People: The Dark Edition.” Yes, quite the party trick, wouldn’t you say? Imre Nagy himself met a grim fate, serving as a somber reminder that sometimes the price of standing up for freedom is a ticket to the gallows.
Conclusion: Remembering Uninvited Guests
So here we are, 68 years later, paying homage to resilience, tragedy, and the audacity of hope intertwined with the grim comedy of errors that led to this national day of mourning. Let us remember the past, even as we hold our sides from laughter at the ridiculous absurdities of politics. Remember: history is not just facts; it’s a series of questionable choices by folks who either didn’t care or were just really bad at decision-making. Cheers to those brave souls who fought and ultimately remind us all to keep an eye on our uninvited guests… just in case they come bearing military tanks!
2024. november 04.
The 68th anniversary of the entry of Russian troops into Hungary in 1956 is a national day of mourning. We remember the crushing of the revolution and freedom struggle and the victims of the subsequent reprisals.
National independence was sealed by the second Soviet military invasion on November 4, 1956, which occurred a few days after Prime Minister Imre Nagy announced Hungary’s neutrality and withdrawal from the Warsaw Pact on November 1. The resistance of the last groups of armed insurgents was broken by Soviet superiority on November 10-11.
On Sunday, November 4, 1956, at midnight, Army General Kazakov took over the command of the Soviet troops in Hungary. At dawn, more Soviet troops crossed the Hungarian border from Romania. In the early hours of the morning, the Yugoslav ambassador Soldatic contacted Zoltán Szántó and informed him of President Tito’s message: the Yugoslav government provides asylum to Imre Nagy and his companions. At 4:15 a.m., a general Soviet attack began against Budapest, the larger cities, and the most important military objects. The defenders of the capital – National Guardsmen, policemen and small and large national defense units – took up the fight against the attackers.
At five in the morning, Ungvár radio broadcast a statement in which Antal Apró, János Kádár, István Kossa and Ferenc Münnich, former ministers of the Imre Nagy government, announced that on November 1, 1956 they had severed all ties with the government and initiated the Hungarian Revolutionary Workers’ The formation of the Peasant Government under the leadership of János Kádár. At 5:20, Imre Nagy gave a dramatic radio speech:
Speaking here is Imre Nagy, President of the Council of Ministers of the Hungarian People’s Republic. Early today, Soviet troops launched an attack on our capital, with the obvious intention of overthrowing the legitimate Hungarian government. Our teams are in battle. The government is in place. I am announcing this to the people of the country and the public opinion of the world.
From 5:35, Imre Nagy’s speech was broadcast in all world languages by Magyar Rádió. István Bibó called on the Hungarian people not to recognize the invading Soviet army and the puppet government set up by Moscow, and to use all the weapons of passive resistance against them.
Seeing the overwhelming force, the Imre Nagy government and the military leadership did not attempt armed resistance. The Soviet troops disarmed all units of the Hungarian People’s Army – after armed combat in some places. More serious resistance broke out in the countryside, in which military units were also involved, for example in Békéscsaba, Dunapentel and Szeged. The radio broadcast the government’s appeal in Hungarian and Russian, calling on the Soviet army to avoid bloodshed. At 8:07 a.m., the broadcast of Radio Szabad Kossuth was interrupted. The National Anthem and the Proclamation were broadcast alternately on shortwave.
In Budapest, the armed resistance was continued by the increased number of insurgent groups. The Russian troops occupied the Ministry of National Defense, the Ministry of the Interior and the Budapest Police Headquarters until noon. The Kádár government sent a telegram to the Secretary General of the UN, requesting that the Hungarian issue be removed from the agenda.
The Yugoslav ambassador conveyed the message of the Titós to Imré Nagy, who had fled to the embassy, that he and his followers should recognize the Kádár government, but he refused.
Upon the news of the Soviet military invasion, a meeting of the Security Council was convened in New York, where the Soviet Union was called upon to refrain from any military action in Hungary and to withdraw its troops from the country immediately. At the extraordinary session of the UN General Assembly, the Secretary General of the UN was asked to appoint a committee to examine the situation in Hungary.
The number of victims in the capital on November 4 was 135. Between October 23 and January 16, 1956, 2,652 people lost their lives throughout the country, including 2,045 in Budapest, and nearly 20,000 people were injured.
In retaliation following the suppression of the revolution, 453 people were executed based on UN data. In 1958, the country’s leaders Imre Nagy, Pál Maléter, Miklós Gimes, Géza Losonczy and József Szilágyi paid with their lives at the end of a conceptual court trial. But five years after the revolution was crushed, there were executions, the last of which was László Nickelsburg’s execution on August 26, 1961, by the authorities loyal to Moscow.
**Interview: Reflecting on the 68th Anniversary of the Soviet Invasion of Hungary**
**Host:** Welcome to our special segment on the 68th anniversary of the Soviet troops’ invasion of Hungary. Today, we’re joined by Dr. Anna Kovács, a historian specializing in Cold War-era Eastern Europe. Anna, thank you for being here.
**Dr. Kovács:** Thank you for having me. It’s essential to reflect on this somber occasion.
**Host:** As we remember November 4, 1956, what stands out to you about the significance of that day in Hungarian history?
**Dr. Kovács:** November 4th is a painful reminder of the struggle for freedom and the tragic consequences that followed. The Soviet invasion crushed a hopeful revolution led by Prime Minister Imre Nagy, who had declared Hungary’s neutrality. This was a critical moment where the desire for independence clashed violently with Soviet control over Eastern Europe.
**Host:** It almost seems absurd, doesn’t it? The day began with a promise of neutrality, only to be met with military aggression. What do you think are the key lessons we can learn from the events that unfolded that morning?
**Dr. Kovács:** Absolutely. It highlights how quickly a peaceful situation can deteriorate under external pressures. The failure of communication between nations and the misinterpretation of intentions can lead to catastrophic outcomes. More importantly, it illustrates that the fight for freedom often incurs heavy costs, both in terms of lives and the societal fabric.
**Host:** Absolutely. In your opinion, how did the international community respond to Hungary’s plight at that time?
**Dr. Kovács:** The international reaction was largely passive. While leaders in the West condemned the invasion, there was no substantive action to support Hungary. It can be seen as a sad commentary on the geopolitical realities of the Cold War, where larger strategic interests often overshadowed the cries for human rights and freedom from oppression.
**Host:** That’s incredibly poignant, especially considering the heavy toll of over 2,600 lives lost throughout the conflict. How have the memories of these events evolved in Hungary over the years?
**Dr. Kovács:** The memory of 1956 remains integral to Hungary’s national identity. Each November 4th, we honor the victims and the spirit of those who resisted. It serves not only as a day of mourning but also as a reminder to cherish and protect our independence and democratic values.
**Host:** It’s crucial to keep these memories alive. what do you hope future generations take away from this history?
**Dr. Kovács:** I hope they learn the importance of vigilance in the face of tyranny and to value the liberties that we sometimes take for granted. History teaches us that the fight for freedom requires courage and resilience and that we must remain vigilant against any form of oppression, no matter how subtle.
**Host:** Thank you, Dr. Kovács, for sharing your insights with us today. It’s a stark reminder of the events that shaped Hungarian history and the ongoing relevance of those struggles.
**Dr. Kovács:** Thank you for having me. As we commemorate this significant day, let’s honor the past and ensure that such histories guide our future.
**Host:** Thank you for tuning in. Let’s remember the lessons of history and hope for a more peaceful tomorrow.
