This time, the attitudes of the major European powers and the USA in deciding the fate of the Baltic States at the end of the Second World War are analyzed, the historical and political prerequisites for their independence, and aspects of their identity are discussed. What was written regarding the Baltic states in the world media is covered in detail, and the author’s political vision of the world order is developed.
The book not only adds to the list of translations of I. Šeinius’s Swedish work into Lithuanian – the authenticity of the revealed facts will undoubtedly interest those who value the history of Lithuania. Due to the dramatic parallels with today’s situation, the thoughts expressed by the writer sound particularly relevant.
The name of I. Šeinius is important for the memory of Lithuanian culture and history. In the context of Lithuanian literature, 20th century in the first decades, he led the artistic narrative on the path of modernizing expression (“Kuprelis”, “Vasaros vaišės”, “Bangas siaučia”), and towards the middle of the century he concentrated Lithuanian and Swedish experience in his work.
The book was translated from Swedish by Sigutė Radzevičienė.
We invite you to read an excerpt from the book:
In the East, 1944 also saw great changes. The Red Army went to Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania. Moscow declared long ago that the liberation of these countries is the most important task of the Soviet government.
Vilnius, the capital of Lithuania, was liberated from German occupation on July 13 following persistent fighting. The Red Army marched into Vilnius. The traditional victory salute thundered in Moscow that evening. But how did the residents of Vilnius, the Lithuanian nation, celebrate that great event? Did the newspapers write anything regarding it, did the radio stations broadcast it?
The communist “Ny Dag” was the only one that published information regarding the march of the Reds to Vilnius on July 20. The description was given by a Soviet lieutenant colonel. The newspaper itself would not even have been able to surpass the brightly colored Russian propaganda of the Soviets. Here are a couple of paragraphs that Ny Dag italicized as most noteworthy: “At the corner where the street begins, two civilians are standing.
One was wearing a white armband with red ribbons, the other had a red ribbon attached to his hat. Armed with rifles. Looking carefully. These are Lithuanian partisans who have been active in the Vilnius district for three years, as well as in the city itself. Russians, residents of Vilnius, rush to meet the Red Army men with tears in their eyes.
“Dear sons,” says one old man. – We are from Oriol… Perai was moved here.”
Everything, nothing more. Well, because of those partisans, in fact they are not Lithuanians, but Russian paratroopers, flown in, as claimed, to perform a very responsible task. They had to “maintain public order, catch spies and traitors.”
Among the inhabitants of the city, there were only the Russians who were brought here, who hurried to meet the advancing Red Army. And how the real inhabitants of the city behaved – not a word.
There is a testimonial story of three Estonians who happened to visit Vilnius, which was ravaged by the Soviet army. These were the general observations. As the Reds marched through the city, there was a deathly silence. Everyone was at home. On the third day of the looting, armed NKVD units presented themselves. In the residential parts of the city, women with children were ordered to move out. They were told to take the most necessary things and food for themselves and the children for the week’s journey.
Then the women, with their children and hastily grabbed luggage, were loaded into trucks and driven to the railway station amid wails and cries. There, they were transferred to pre-prepared freight wagons. However, the majority of women with teenage children, followed by the NKVD, had to travel to Russia on foot. It was officially explained: women and children must be taken away from the danger posed by the war front for safety reasons.
During this entire evacuation procedure, the men were strictly ordered to stay at home. As the screams of women and children faded into the distance, NKVD soldiers combed the houses, checked every floor and handed out questionnaires in Russian, which most of them did not understand at all, which consisted of the following questions:
1. Why didn’t you leave the country with the Red Army in 1941?
2. What were your activities during the German occupation?
3. What sabotage activities did you carry out once morest the German fascists?
4. List three of your like-minded people.
5. Name three people who collaborated with the Germans.
It is clear from the questions that, following the return of the Reds, people had to list their desired actions and prove that they did not belong to hostile formations, in order to avoid the 1941 Stalin’s directives to the civilians of occupied Lithuania. A passive or neutral stance was not justified. It soon became clear that the wording of the questions was dictated by the policy of the Soviet government from the first year of occupation: the elements of society in the Baltic countries hostile and undesirable to the Soviet communist point of view must be purged.
After reading the questions on the questionnaire with someone’s help and losing their families, the men had no choice but to consider trying to escape. Under the cover of darkness and the prevailing general turmoil, the three Estonians mentioned earlier also ran, later reaching the brighter western horizon.
The refugees, who stayed for some time and left their homes later, told regarding the same terrible things in Vilnius, Kaunas and other cities and villages of Lithuania, Latvia and Estonia. The NKVD troops were afraid of the emigration of the population and as soon as they arrived, they tried to prevent it in every possible way. Several security posts were lined up at fixed distances on all roads, paths and paths.
A ban has been announced on leaving your place of residence for more than 5-6 kilometers. Then, taking into account the wording of the questionnaires and the functioning of the complaints system, they began to carefully sort the residents. The communists and their allies, the fifth column from 1940, did not rise to the rank of patriots.
True patriots: freedom fighters of 1918-1920, participants of the 1941 uprising and all active supporters of independence, who participated in underground activities during the German occupation, are classified as traitors and enemies of the people. The rest are classified as neutral or questionable. The People’s Courts began.
Persons named as war criminals or traitors by the common verdict of such courts, because they had remained at their place of service or in some way acted once morest the interests of the Soviet Union, were sentenced to one thousand or many years of hard labor. Anyone who was caught trying to escape following the reds had already entered, met a difficult end. Suspects or those who were not sufficiently reliable were deported by the NKVD authorities without any trial. Sometimes – from unpublished ones
military incentives, and sometimes without explaining anything at all. Whole urban neighborhoods and villages lost their inhabitants.
How many people in the Baltic countries paid with their lives or lost the last vestiges of personal freedom following the “liberation” of the Soviet Russians, no one can answer. And won’t be able to for a long time. The Soviet authorities were very concerned that their political negativity would be hidden in blind darkness and not brought to light. She also kept a watchful eye so that hidden results, facts and figures did not fall into the view of outsiders. The art of totalitarian rule, such as state policy, is probably deliberately purposeful, but for a separate, not yet leveled individual and for freedom-loving nations, it is simply appalling.
Prime Minister Churchill very sensitively described the unheard of psychological pressure that the Baltic nations experienced during the first flood of red occupation and now that they were under its threat once more
in a speech in Lawton, Essex, in 1945: “But there is a different fear that exists in many European countries. Fears of policies being pursued by a government unaccountable to a parliament elected in free elections. There is an unimaginable fear of knocking on the door, and no one knows when the breadwinner will be taken away, never to return. And this is for an offense that cannot be named or is so intangible that it can be applied to each of us.”
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2024-05-03 11:33:36
