Péter Bárándy, a lawyer and former Minister of Justice, was with Péter Magyar on Wednesday at the Central Investigative General Prosecutor’s Office. The left-liberal lawyer’s public life activity – as is typical of the Bárándy clan – previously also upset the moods of the domestic public in special contexts – wrote the Firewall group.
A case of plagiarism
In 2013, our paper reported that a large part of the Együtt 2014 election movement’s draft constitution was a literal copy of the draft prepared by the then Minister of Justice and Law Enforcement József Petrétei in June 2006 during the second Gyurcsány government, raising suspicions of political plagiarism. Comparing the two materials, it became clear: there are a lot of verbatim paragraphs in the Bajnai’s concept.
As HVG reported at the time, the Együtt 2014 draft constitution was put on the table by former Minister of Justice Péter Bárándy when, among others, he negotiated with his son, MSZP representative Gergelly Bárándy.
However, no one from Együtt 2014 indicated that József Petrétei had contributed to the drafting of their constitution, or that he had given permission to take the texts written by him verbatim. According to the paper’s estimate, approximately 60-70 percent of the Bajnais’ draft showed a suspicious overlap with Petrétei’s work.
Broker case, Portik case
In 2005, Péter Bárándy’s name came up in connection with the brokerage case, when Henrik Schönthal voluntarily surrendered to the Hungarian authorities, as whose lawyer Bárándy came under the crossfire of attacks, and was therefore forced to withdraw. An international arrest warrant was previously issued once morest Schönthal, who is in the USA; Schönthal was a member of offshore companies entitled to make decisions regarding money and accounts, and according to the suspicions that arose at the time, the money from the crimes committed by Attila Kulcsár was transferred through these offshore companies to two Syrian citizens who were also suspects in the case at the time.
Schönthal was suspected of complicity in the disappearance of HUF 6.2 billion, and Péter Bárándy undertook to defend him by not signing Schönthal’s arrest warrant as the Minister of Justice of the Medgyessy government.
According to the clear point of view of the lawyers – who from time to time discredit the professional-ethical point of view – Bárándy made a serious mistake when he took on the defense of Schönthal, because although lawyers can take on cases with great freedom, it is also legally wrong for a lawyer to become the defender of the suspect for whom in principle, he was previously his “chaser”, but whose extradition he did not sign. Péter Bárándy began to deny his conflict of interest, but in the end he tried to escape from the scandalous story by resigning from Schöntal’s defense.
Péter Bárándy can’t stop running amok professionally
In 2011, the lawyer appealed to the Constitutional Court on the grounds that, in his opinion, the new basic law is not clear, thereby endangering legal certainty. Ten years later, in 2021, Péter Bárándy stood by Péter Márki-Zay, who was now fighting for the rule of law, to the extent that
following a possible left-wing election victory, it will be necessary to “redesign the rule of law”, which must be carried out even if they do not have the necessary constitutional, i.e. two-thirds, parliamentary majority. Bárándy made strange statements referring to this in such a way that, according to him, the EU would not be an obstacle in this process either.
Most recently, lawyer Lóránt Horváth, with Péter Bárándy on his side, among others, announced in ATV that they want to influence public life under the name of the Lawyers’ Circle, for example, their goal is to play a role in maintaining an independent, fair, equitable judiciary that complies with constitutional requirements and the European legal order .
Gergely Bárándy in his father’s footsteps
Péter Bárándy’s son, Gergely – formerly a Member of Parliament from the MSZP – filed a complaint in the autumn of 2006, during the period of the Ószöd lies and the police terror in Gyurcsány, which culminated in bloody violence, “for the crime of preparing a riot” because of what was said at the Batthyány-Orökmécses on November 5, as he called it unacceptable. , that fifty to one hundred people would commit a crime once morest the state under the pretext of civil disobedience – at a time when the left pushed the country into a moral and economic crisis.
The same Gergely Bárándy said in 2020, now following his parliamentary representation, that the method of Brussels’ action once morest Hungary might be the procedure according to Article 7, and that, according to his judgment, “although this undoubtedly restricts it on a contractual basis, it does not unlawfully violate” the national sovereignty. In relation to the Sargentini report, which attacked Hungary on political grounds in 2018, he called it a “big mistake” that “there are some points that contain nonsense, and these discredit even the 95 percent of its findings that are valid.”
Most recently, he drew attention to himself by criticizing President Tamás Sulyok in the March 17 edition of Népszava, stating that “the Constitutional Court he leads has not fulfilled the constitutional role for which it was set up at the time of the regime change to the slightest extent.”
