2023-12-03 06:23:15
There is a sitting president who doesn’t even appear. There is an official candidate who took the campaign on his shoulder despite being part of a management that does not end up captivating, and that increased the dissatisfaction of a sector of the people in recent months. There is an opposition candidate appointed by the person who exercises real power, Mauricio Macri, who no longer exercises it in the shadows but alongside him. There are disputed elections, complaints in court, custom rulings, media operations, lies, fake news, trolls, fear campaigns, promises of investment and showers of dollars, promises to do what was not done and the antinomy of the market versus the State ( in this case, the club). It might be a summary of electoral Argentina throughout 2023, but no: it is Boca.
The most popular club in the country, which a good part of the civil service defines as the 25th province of Argentina, took that analogy to a paroxysm. The suspension of the elections that were going to be held today due to a precautionary measure by Civil Court No. 11, led by Judge Alejandra Débora Abrevaya, highlighted a dichotomy that is political, but also economic and cultural: if Riquelme represents emotionality of old times and the love for the shirt, the neighborhood and the club, Macri represents the hyper-professionalization of the clubs, the openness to public limited companies and foreign capital that might cause a sporting leap and the loss of identity and historical function.
They are possible readings, justified by public and private statements, that collide with the limbo of reality: the undated elections, the wait for the National Civil Chamber to confirm or revoke what Abrevaya dictated, following the club’s appeal. In that reality there are also, visible to anyone, the enormous tents that the club set up in the Bombonera. Who is responsible for the 300 thousand dollars that this colossal assembly cost that will now have to be dismantled or, failing that, be sustained at the cost of more money?
There are legal and judicial actions – and operations – but there are also interpretations and political movements. The post by the elected president Javier Milei placing Martín Palermo – the coach who would come to the club if the Ibarra-Macri formula won the elections – over Riquelme as the last great idol is not a coincidence: it is part of the support that Macri asked of Milei to distort all the polls, which gave Román the winner by around ten points.
But Milei doesn’t just tweet. It contributes people to Macri’s assembly: the meetings and interventions that Ramiro Marra, possible head of the AFIP since December 10, had in the bostero circle homologate that multiple, diffuse and chaotic agreement between the PRO and La Libertad Avanza at the national level.
Angelici, who until three months ago rejected Ibarra as a candidate and threatened to lead a third position, put his anger aside to resume a leading role in Justice. In Riquelmism they are already preparing for a tilted field following December 10, in Milei’s Argentina and with a General Inspection of Justice (IGJ) with new authorities, more inclined to favor Macrism. The memory is inevitable: between 2015 and 2019, the head of that body that controls and regulates the clubs was Sergio Brodsky, a man closely linked to Angelici.
In the event that the House does not vote this week and the election is moved to 2024, intervention is a real possibility. They notify the ruling party with the new spot and drip-drop it to the opposition. “They screwed us with that trucho register,” one of the Macrismo’s shipowners tells PROFILE. “They knew they were losing, that’s why they did this,” they counter on the official side. The entire truth, which is at the polls, now awaits.
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