2023-12-02 09:08:18
Update
December 2, 2023
10:08
Protesters regularly gather to call for the resignation of the Israeli Prime Minister. Mobilization remains limited in a country focused on war, but the anti-Netanyahu opposition is restructuring following the October 7 massacre.
“He’s the worst prime minister in Israel’s history!” On Kaplan Street in Tel Aviv, twice a day, a group of die-hard demonstrators meets. There are only around twenty of them this Wednesday evening, but despite everything, they seem to inhabit the space of unfailing determination. “Resign, now!” Anna exclaims, looking confident. She energetically raises a sign, with the inscription in Hebrew “he is guilty and he will pay”.
Kaplan Street is a symbol of the revolt once morest Netanyahu. For several months, until last September, thousands of protesters gathered there regularly to express their opposition to the justice reform carried out by the Likud leader and his government. The thoroughfare of central Tel Aviv still bears the traces of this era, which now seems distant. Last July, part of Kaplan Street was renamed “Democracy Square” by Tel Aviv City Hall, held by Labor (center-left). On the ground, anti-Netanyahu stickers are still stuck, representing the Prime Minister with his face stained with blood.
“Now there are few of us at the demonstrations for Netanyahu’s resignation, but we want to show that the opposition once morest this thief still exists.”
Since October 7, anti-Bibi (Benyamin Netanyahu’s nickname) protesters have been meeting there twice a day. During the week, there are only a few dozen. On weekends, up to several hundred people attend. “A lot of things changed following the Hamas attack. Now there are few of us at the demonstrations for Netanyahu’s resignation,” admits Yair Dickman, who has not missed a rally since the beginning of October, “but we want to show that opposition once morest this thief still exists.” The anti-Bibi activist grabs a cardboard sign, “that means, ‘not kosher,’ it’s Bibi that’s not kosher!” he exclaims before getting up another poster with the inscription “let’s exchange Bibi for the hostages”.
Wartime
Yair Dickman was deeply affected by October 7. During the Hamas attack, his sister-in-law was killed and two members of his family were taken hostage in Gaza, “but I think that protesting for the hostages will not really have an effect on the government, their liberation depends on the goodwill of Hamas. The priority is to free Netanyahu! This man is corrupt, he only thinks of his personal interests, Bibi cannot lead this war. It’s intolerable.”
In November 2019, Benjamin Netanyahu was triple indicted for corruption cases. Threatened with ending his days in prison, he has since tried to hold on to his position, notably with a justice reform project that aims to weaken the Israeli judiciary. “I think there is a majority of Israelis who want Netanyahu to resign because of corruption. But with the war, people are less focused on fighting Bibi,” he said, looking saddened, “Some people tell me that this is not the time to call for the resignation of the Prime Minister. But I think that this is exactly the time, because Netanyahu is not acting for the common good. He has no interest in stopping the war, because if the fighting ends, he will almost certainly have to resign.“
A few meters away, Amos and Miri take the road to the Ministry of Defense. “There are more people there, it’s the demonstration for the release of the hostages,” says the old man who advances with a martial step. “Now, to demonstrate once morest Bibi, it is better to join these demonstrations, because that is where there are people,” assures Miri, “we can no longer be heard if we only talk regarding Netanyahu. “
©Ines Gil
The two septuagenarian friends demonstrate in Kaplan Street every day, with the same poster, a painting representing the victims of October 7 in black, and the number “1,400”, which constituted the first toll of those killed in the Hamas attack, written in red. On the poster Amos holds, above the victims, “Leh” (“go away” in Hebrew) is written. The word is an important rallying sign for anti-Bibi people. “For me, the person responsible for October 7 is Netanyahu. He was so obsessed with staying in power that he failed to manage our security. Without forgetting his strategy of weakening the Palestinian Authority. He favored Hamas, to please the far right. And now we’re paying the price.”
“He favored Hamas, to please the far right. And now we are paying the price.”
In front of the Ministry of Defense, hundreds of demonstrators gathered. They are waiting for Minister Yoav Gallant firmly. “Take them home!” they chant angrily, speaking of the hostages still held in Gaza. The sounds of whistles and drums echo through the streets. Since October 7, the Prime Minister has certainly been strongly criticized in Israel for his security management, and for having allowed Hamas to strengthen. Nevertheless, traumatized and immersed in war, the Israeli population is mobilizing today more massively for the rallies in favor of the release of the hostages than for the resignation of Benjamin Netanyahu.
Political recomposition
“Now peace is going to be much more difficult to achieve,” says Liora, an anti-Netanyahu protester stationed in front of the Defense Ministry. “Things are changing, Israelis no longer accept living next to Palestinians.” With the Hamas attack, the Israeli pro-peace left camp has taken a fatal blow. But does the weakening of the left really benefit Netanyahu?
Miri believes she has the answer: “After October 7, Bibi died politically,” she says, looking bitter. All the polls carried out in Israel since the Hamas attack confirm that the government, and particularly Benjamin Netanyahu and his Likud party, are increasingly criticized. From its current 32 seats in Parliament, Likud fell to 18 seats in a poll published by the Israeli newspaper Maariv in early November. The parties in the current coalition, made up of Likud, religious parties and far-right groups, obtain 42 seats, compared to 64 currently in the Knesset. If parliamentary elections were held today, they would be far below the threshold to form a government. At the same time, in recent weeks, Netanyahu’s personal rating is 20 points lower than that of former opposition leader and current war cabinet colleague Benny Gantzaccording to a survey by the Israel Democracy Institute.
©Ines Gil
“The tide is turning”, assures Liora. “When I talk with sellers at Shouk HaCarmel, the Tel Aviv market, or with taxi drivers, who usually vote for Bibi, I feel that anger is growing once morest the Prime Minister. Today, even Israelis in right-wingers strongly criticize him, because Netanyahu has failed on an element that is close to their hearts: security.”
“Today, even right-wing Israelis strongly criticize him, because Netanyahu has failed on something they care regarding: security.”
The departure of Benny Gantz from the war cabinet formed specifically for the conflict in Gaza will mark the start of a political process aimed at overthrowing the government. New elections might then be organized. If we should not neglect the tenacity of the Bibist cult or the motivation of the Kahanists of the extreme right, the chances that Israeli public opinion, left and right, will allow this government to continue are very slim.
The demonstration begins to dissipate in front of the Ministry of Defense. Miri and Amos take the road towards their neighborhood, not far from the center of Tel Aviv. “For now, the outcome of the ceasefire is uncertain. But I hope the war will end soon. And once it does, Netanyahu will be held accountable.”
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