2023-11-20 08:00:00
Won Crazy.
So it They have called Javier Milei since he was a teenager. He prefers to define himself in another way: “the difference between a madman and a genius is the success”. The reference is not disqualifying but rather accurately explains the majority decision that the Argentine people took for the next four years: something different.
Milei managed winAs he predicted at first – he later reversed himself in the agreement with the PRO -, to the caste and its well-oiled electoral apparatus. He might also convince a majority with unprecedented and unusual proposalswhich you must now put into practice.
No one can deny that he said what he was going to do.. However, within their votes there is a portion – it will have to be quantified – that voted for it interpreting it: they think he won’t do what he said.
Nor is it pejorative to describe their proposals as unusual: Only a handful of countries in the world do not have a Central Bank or their own currency.. Not just your offer economic es disruptivethe social It is much more so, what expresses a setback in acquired rights. Some proposals even cross limits that democracy had agreed upon.
But people are sovereign and by majority he chooses: Milei’s victory over Sergio Massa was overwhelming and the minister recognized it early.
Why did Milei win? He fatigue of the unresolved problems in recent decades, the lack of generational replacement and one global wave of right-wing proposals what they promise simple answers to complex problems and achieve accessions by satiety. Some Political analysts call it the reset of politics because the traditional categories are not enough to interpret the popular will.
Also The support given by former president Mauricio Macri was key He gave La Libertad Avanza, a flirtation that began long before the start of the series of elections. Your support managed to install a Manichaeism among the “new” or “Kirchnerism” (as a repository expression of evil), something that the majority of citizens endorsed.
He LLA government can anticipate from the frictions. For many reasons. The main one, because the relationship with his last-minute partners was born with differences and split alignments and we will have to see What remains of Together for Change to provide governance support.
Also because won in 21 of the country’s 24 districtsbut It does not have any allied governorthat is, that also the provincial political leaders must coexist with a voter who elected them and the candidate whoin many cases, they did not publicly support: as will happen in Río Negro and Neuquén.
Something similar happened with unions, civil organizations and business entities that demonstrated in favor of Massa. In the previous It was said that the official candidate had managed to obtain the support of the majority of everything that is organized. Here there is also a telephone for union and organization leaders in coexistence with their ranks.
Another key fact of the friction will be Congress. Mercy, nor by adding his PRO partners, will he have a legislative majority. For many of his proposals he not only needs a simple endorsement but also an aggravated majority. He institutional point will be debated with the thirst for rapid changes what their voters expect.
Is it the end of Kirchnerism? The Peronist stage embodied at the end of the 2001 crisis showed signs of exhaustion and also, it must be noted, it was heavily fought for its political conception of hegemony and when it was cornered by the levels of corruption with which she lived.
Massa ended up arriving with political life at the runoff and with certain chances – it suffered a hard blow with the fuel shortage – in what It seemed like an electoral miracle for a government with 140% inflation.
Unlike the vote for Milei, the peronist vote -where different positions coexist- It is usually more homogeneous and resilient. This was demonstrated in 2019. It is some of that is likely to be repeated and remains, despite the sustained loss of flow in the last elections, in a new Justicialist stage. The province of Buenos Aires with its governor, Axel Kicillof, will surely be the nucleus decisive for the future of Peronism.
The big difference obtained by Milei will also be key. Macri won by less than 2 points in 2015. He endorsement that the libertarian has clears the way for the first far-right experiment in the country. But that marked gap can also be a boomerang.
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