2023-09-24 03:19:20
“She is very hard-headed, it is difficult to help her.” A source actively involved in Patricia Bullrich’s campaign indicates a certain unease regarding the direction JxC’s electoral race has taken.
Beyond the political-personal characteristics of the candidate, which in any case can also explain the place she occupies, in her environment they warn regarding the unforced errors of the coalition itself, if they are interpreted in a benevolent way.
The recent peak of these internal noises was reached with the treatment in Deputies of the cuts to the Income Tax. The bill was promoted by Sergio Massa, in his dual role as minister and candidate, and endorsed by Javier Milei. It is expected that this half-sanction will be corroborated this week by the Senate and will come into force in 2024.
Previously, Massa had established this tax benefit by decree. And prior to that, he promised that he would do it if he were elected president. Several JxC leaders, Bullrich included, fell into the trap that the UxP candidate set for them, and challenged him as to why he wouldn’t do it now, that they would support him. They were unaware that the initiatives of the decree and the law were already secretly circulating in the Ministry of Economy.
JxC was left offside without the need for VAR before that chicane. This was accentuated by the fact that they were the only votes once morest the project, arguing that it will increase the fiscal deficit, the monetary issue and inflation. It looked more like an official logic than an opposition one.
The first bills passed inward emerged due to the lack of an alternative project to the one presented by the Government. “We stayed in the negative. In that it is crazy, which it is. There was a lack of coordination in the technical teams to provide an superior response,” admits an economist who works for Bullrich.
There are some wounds that are still far from healing among those who put together the coalition’s economic program and the arrival of Carlos Melconian as the main reference. With a “turnkey” plan originating from the Ieral of the Mediterranean Foundation, Melconian & Cia always kept their distance from those debates of the economists of the PRO, UCR, CC and Pichetto’s Peronism.
The greatest disagreement, however, erupted with the radicalism of Martín Lousteau. Four legislators from that sector, including Emiliano Yacobitti, alter ego of the Buenos Aires senator, facilitated the quorum for the session in the lower house. When it came to voting, they did maintain the party discipline of going for the negative, despite the fact that Bullrich had slipped hours before on a TN cell phone that perhaps they were going for abstention.
As usually happens, it was Mauricio Macri who cast the first stone. “Populism is very contagious,” he said with a smile when asked regarding the attitude of the Evolución radicals. Inside there were more off-color recriminations.
Among the variety of analyzes of this mess, two risky readings appear for Bullrich.
One relates to Macri’s role in the campaign. She prefers that I support her and militate without sharing events, tours or images. She clearly showed herself this week: they coincided in visiting Córdoba (the former electoral epicenter of JxC, in the PASO they came third), but hours apart.
Macri assumed more prominence, increased his media appearances to endorse his candidate (always in friendly spaces), began to criticize Milei a little and accepts the limits that Bullrich imposes. She would prefer greater recognition, of course. She may find him in Miami, where she will travel in a few days.
The tension with the UCR becomes increasingly complex. It will be hidden this Sunday the 24th if Bullrich raises his arm once morest Alfredo Cornejo, in the elections for the governorship of Mendoza. The main rival of the radical candidate is Omar de Marchi, the former? reference of the Mendoza PRO. Everything is broken there.
Without explaining it, something similar happens in CABA. Local radicalism feels displaced by Jorge Macri. There have already been resounding departures from the Buenos Aires cabinet of officials linked to Lousteau, who has practically been erased from the campaign. Conspicuous by its absence is “the unity photo” of the political marketing between Macri and Lousteau.
Nor did Horacio Rodríguez Larreta assume enthusiastic support for Bullrich’s candidacy. Nearby they claim that he is available, but the candidate keeps him disconnected. In the circle of the former Minister of Security they explain that the support she requested fell into emptiness. And they recognize that versions of alleged Larretista preparations for 2027 caused discomfort.
Meanwhile, Milei and Massa insist on choosing each other to polarize, as was once once more laid bare in the harsh debate between
who are running for vice president. They seek to position themselves at the extremes of change vs. continuity, condemning Bullrich to a center in which she feels uncomfortable.
To make matters worse, the JxC presidential race must deal with friendly fire, the product of a fierce internal conflict and voting intentions that are still insufficient to reach the runoff, according to the coalition’s own numbers. They seem like inconvenient signals at the least opportune time.
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