Muhammad Shukair wrote in the Middle East:
President Najib Mikati, who is charged with forming the new government, is fortified with patience and steadfastness in the face of constitutional heresies that are intended to deviate from the constitution by overthrowing the “Taif Agreement,” although he distances himself from entering into a direct debate with President Michel Aoun, although he was finally forced to respond to What was quoted by President Aoun, head of the Maronite League, Ambassador Khalil Karam, that the president’s powers are not transferred by proxy to a caretaker government in the event that a successor cannot be elected, but rather to a government with full descriptions.
Mikati responded to Aoun through his media office and came in his place because it is not permissible to use the presidential pulpit, which is supposed to be above sectarian considerations, to launch positions that inflame the situation, and it would have been more generous not to involve himself, as the supporters of the coup say personally sponsored by the head of the “National Current.” Al-Hur, Representative Gibran Bassil, on the constitution, leading to the overthrow of “Taif”, with the complicity of the political team affiliated with the President of the Republic, which is at the fore in issuing “fatwas” in contrast to the constitution, which stipulates the transfer of the president’s powers in the event his term expires, and a successor is not elected, to Council of Ministers together.
Karam’s donation to convey what he heard from Aoun regarding the transfer of the president’s powers was met with astonishment, not only because the constitution does not stipulate the specifications of the government that will receive his powers by proxy, but also because Aoun’s reprehensible attitude, as the supporters say, can elicit sectarian and sectarian reactions related to the powers of a president The government would open the door to “sectarianization” following the end of the president’s term, without Parliament being able, within the constitutional deadline, to elect a successor.
In light of the information available to them, the escorts reveal that Basil was behind the hastily set date for Karam to meet Aoun, and that he personally contacted him on the eve of the meeting that brought them together to inform him of the date. The country is to create a vacuum in the presidency of the first presidency, and this is what requires the media office of Mikati to respond to his obstruction to achieve the presidential elections, starting with detonating efforts to form a government, but not at any cost, as Basil requires.
The convoys ask why Karam came alone to Baabda to meet the president, to read a written statement as soon as he finished without accompanying him, as in previous times, the members of the Maronite League Council, and whether the lengthy statement he broadcast shortened less than a quarter of an hour that the meeting took, or is it that The statement was prepared in advance in response to Basil’s desire?
They confirm that Aoun insists, during the intensification of crises, not to recognize the “Taif Agreement”, nor the constitution produced by the National Accord Document, and deals with it as being behind his expulsion from Baabda and his having to go to the French embassy and from there to Paris. Aoun’s withdrawal of Mikati’s mandate to form a government is one of Bassil’s attempts to blackmail Mikati and pressure him so that he may accept his conditions to release the cabinet formation.
The attendees add that Bassil’s intimidation with Aoun’s cover to withdraw the assignment from Mikati is an old-new scenario, and the presidential team had previously hinted at it when the leader of the “Future Movement”, former Prime Minister Saad Hariri, was tasked with forming the government, but he hit a dead end, and his apology for composing it was not It was not by withdrawing the mandate from him, but by Paris resorting to abandoning the conditions it had set to save the country, which made it lose the ability to market its initiative, and it had no one other than to form the government at any cost, other than the specifications it set to be made up of specialists and non-party members.
They consider that Aoun does not have the ability to withdraw the assignment from Mikati in response to the ambitions of his political heir Basil, not only because he clashed with most political forces with the exception of Hezbollah, but also because the Shiite duo is not in the process of providing him political cover to withdraw the assignment from Mikati, and his desire to refuse For Aoun to be the spearhead for entering into a confrontation with the Sunni sect that portends dire consequences and leads to evoking sectarian and sectarian tension, in addition to the fact that Parliament Speaker Nabih Berri is on the lookout for the presidential political team in light of the lack of political chemistry between him and Bassil and entering into a “cohabitation” with Aoun. .
Therefore, Aoun today is no longer the same as it was during 1989, which witnessed at that time Arab divisions that were reflected in the Lebanese interior, as well as a state of disparity in the international community, which emerged with Paris’s support for him in return for Washington’s apprehension regarding Aoun’s role, who was forced to take refuge in France with the start of the liberation of Kuwait From then-Iraqi President Saddam Hussein, who restored Syria to its role in Lebanon.
Accordingly, the international community is standing by for Aoun and his political team even if the election of the president is not possible, and it was decided to postpone his election to a later time, and he will not be allowed, as Western sources say to Asharq Al-Awsat, to remain in Baabda or to exploit the presidential vacuum to break the constitutional frameworks in order to reach To return the country to square one, stressing at the same time that messages to this effect were sent to Aoun and his team, warning of the complexity of the process of electing a new president.
Also, Mikati’s patience in absorbing intimidation campaigns does not mean, as the supporters say, that the road is open for Aoun and his team to overthrow the “Taif” movement, which Mikati considers a red line that it is not allowed to cross.