The announcement of the adoption of the new Tunisian draft constitution and the rejection of judicial appeals once morest it, raised questions regarding Tunisia’s political future, and the options before the opposition during the coming period.
The new draft constitution was approved by 94.6 percent of the vote following the judiciary rejected all appeals once morest the results of the referendum that was organized on July 25, according to what was announced by the Independent High Authority for Elections in Tunisia, on Tuesday evening.
In a press conference, the head of the commission, Farouk Bouaskar, said that it authorizes the acceptance of the new draft constitution for the Republic of Tunisia, announcing the entry into force of the new constitution starting from the date of the commission’s announcement of the final results and its seal by the President of the Republic and its publication in the Official Gazette.
At the appeal stage, on Tuesday morning, the Administrative Court rejected the only appeal submitted by the “Afaq Tounes” party, following it rejected in the first instance three appeals that had been submitted by the “I Watch” organization, the Afaq Tounes parties and the people want.
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According to Tunisian political analyst, Burhan Al-Ajlani, the rejection of the appeals confirms that they “do not rise to affect the election results as a whole.”
Speaking to Al-Hurra website, Al-Ajlani refers to the “new constitution”‘s unification of power that was scattered within the parliamentary system, which caused “a conflict and a struggle over powers” during the last period.
He believes that the adoption of the constitution came to “correct the democratic path in the country, set a clear title for governance in Tunisia, and preserve a set of gains for the Tunisian people according to new regulations.”
For his part, Tunisian journalist writer Farah Chandoul asserts that “the constitution has become a tangible reality” following it entered the implementation phase in Tunisia to control the new political system in the country, according to his interview with Al-Hurra website.
Tunisian journalist and writer, Mohamed Bouaoud, believes that the new political system begins its first steps as a “fait accompli”, following the “popular referendum” gave it legitimacy, according to his interview with Al-Hurra website.
But the new constitution enshrines a system that gives the president of the republic broad powers, unlike the 2014 constitution, which established an amended parliamentary system that gives the president limited roles, according to “AFP”.
The new constitution does not provide for a mechanism to dismiss the President of the Republic, who exercises executive power with the assistance of a Prime Minister and ministers whom he supervises their appointment.
Opposition options
Earlier, the opposition announced its “rejection of the referendum and questioned its results.” Demonstrations took place in several Tunisian cities, denouncing Kais Saied’s monopoly over the entire executive and legislative authority since July 25, 2021.
Activists and human rights organizations warned of the danger of a gradual return of dictatorship following the adoption of the new constitution, so what is left for opponents of the new political system? What are the opposition’s options during the coming period?
According to Shindoul’s speech, the opposition forces did not have any political or legal excuse to oppose the constitution, but they had other options.
Opposition forces have been accusing the Tunisian president of “consecrating dictatorship and monopolizing power”, and they are still “persistent on their positions”, according to Chandoul’s opinion.
These forces organize marches and protests to express their opinion, and their field of action has become within the “street, forums, and media” areas, according to Shandoul.
He expected the opposition to continue to organize protests, but pointed out that “this is related to the extent of its impact on the Tunisian street,” stressing that the opposition’s movements no longer attract “large crowds that can influence the decisions of the political authority.”
And he speaks with promises regarding another option for the opposition, which is “to participate in the upcoming elections, most notably the parliamentary elections scheduled for December 17 next.”
The opposition can “mobilize its forces to win the parliamentary majority”, but if it chooses to “boycott” it may not have any chances in the country’s political scene.
He warns with promises once morest “the consequences of those forces boycotting the parliamentary elections”, which might give Tunisia a “unilateral political scene” without a balance between a ruling authority and a strong opposition.
A complex political and economic landscape
Al-Ajlani talks regarding the complexity of the political scene in Tunisia, “as a result of the dispersal of opposition forces and the absence of leadership elements that unify their efforts within the framework of a well-defined political project.”
He points to the absence of more than 7 million voters from casting their votes in the referendum on the constitution, due to “the failure of all political components to persuade them to engage in political work.”
Al-Ajlani touched on the economic crisis that Tunisia is experiencing, expecting it to “increase in severity”, which represents “a fertile ground for attracting opposition in the future.”
Tunisia is going through an escalating economic crisis, which has caused a rise in the prices of goods and services and a shortage of some products, due to the repercussions of the Corona pandemic and the effects of the Russian invasion of Ukraine, according to “Archyde.com”.
The country’s economic growth rate has fallen to less than 3 percent, and unemployment has risen among nearly 40 percent of young people, according to “AFP”.
Therefore, Al-Ajlani expects “to build, unify and organize a strong opposition while changing the old faces,” but he is enslaving “there will be an escalation in the street during the coming period,” because the Tunisian people are waiting for “political and economic reforms following giving all powers to Qais Saeed.”
He agreed with his promises, ruling out the scenario of escalation, due to “the opposition forces draining the ability to mobilize the masses within a year and a half,” describing the opposition as “popularly powerless.”
Chandoul asserts that the street “belongs to everyone in Tunisia, whether opponents or supporters,” noting that “the coming days will reveal the readings and strategies of the opposition forces to respond to the new constitution.”
