At a time when Algiers is trying to bring back to the fore its pipeline project with Nigeria, which has been dragging in the drawers since the 1980s, the West African route defended by Rabat is staying the course and has already tendered the Australian office of studies and engineering consultancy Worley Parsons to carry out the design and engineering work of the GMN.
The Algerian option has, it should be remembered, as its main advantage only the geographical factor with a route of 4,128 km compared to the 7,000 km of the GMN, but the Trans-Saharan gas pipeline will have to cross unsecured areas, from the Niger delta where hydrocarbon extraction facilities face chronic sabotage operations, passing through northern Niger where Tuareg rebels and terrorist organizations are rampant, before reaching the Algerian desert known to be a sanctuary for Islamist groups .
The GMN, for its part, should set up a catalyst for the integration and economic and social development of all the 14 countries it should cross, including Morocco. Not to mention the factor of the war in Ukraine, the main fallout from which remains the European Union’s decision to diversify its sources of energy supply, so as to initially dilute Russian shipments, which represent almost 50% of European imports of gas and oil before doing without them completely in the long term.
The GMN and its exponential import potential with the appearance of several deposits all along the West African coast, represent a major asset for Brussels, which might also join the IDB and OPEC to secure the one of its best medium-term options for ending its dependence on Russian deposits.
