ShriThe economic crisis gripping Sri Lanka has taken the form of a crucial political crisis. This not only undermines the Rajapaksa family rule that is in power, but also redefines the very power structure of the island nation. The Rajapaksa family rule is in shambles as angry people take to the streets in the wake of the financial crisis that has disrupted public life. Prime Minister Mahinda Rajapaksa, the elder brother of President Gotabhaya Rajapaksa, submitted his resignation on Sunday. It was to protect President Gotabhaya, which led to the financial crisis. Among the resigned ministers was Basil Rajapaksa, the finance minister and one of the Rajapaksa brothers. Ali Sabri, who took over the post, resigned before the end of 24 hours. They ruthlessly rejected the ruling party’s invitation to form a national government with members of the opposition to overcome the crisis. More than 40 members of parliament, including members of the Sri Lanka Freedom Party (SLFP), one of the main partners in the ruling Sri Lanka People’s Front (SLPP), have withdrawn their support for the government. All these developments indicate that the days of the Rajapaksa dynasty, perhaps even hours, were numbered.
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President Gotabhaya was forced to lift the economic emergency and curfew following nationwide popular and opposition protests. As the financial crisis intensified, there were reports of people turning to long-running violence for fuel and essentials. In those places, the government was forced to deploy troops. But as the crisis intensified and government repression intensified, the Rajapaksa family rule was defended by the peaceful protests of middle-class politicians, lawyers, doctors, professionals and families, including children, who were generally aloof from politics. Sri Lankan expatriates from all over the world, Sinhalese, Tamils, Muslims and Christians alike, took to the streets to protest. Economic hardships wiped out much of the religious and ethnic divide in the island nation. Rising everywhere is the same slogan. ‘Get out of Gotabhaya’ and ‘End family rule’. Meanwhile, there are reports of unrest in the army and police. Reports from the island indicate that an altercation between the police and the army escalated. Their opposition to the formation of a national government shows that neither the opposition nor those in the ruling coalition are ready to bear the brunt of the Gotabhaya misrule. Moreover, they can not help but strongly disagree with Gotabhaya’s efforts to place the blame for the current crisis on previous governments.
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Three years ago, the Gotabhaya government came to power with a two – thirds majority. Gotabhaya Rajapaksa, the then Defense Secretary, had gained great popularity among the majority Sinhalese for the Tamil annihilation war once morest the LTTE. Gotabhaya, who had no previous experience in politics, was hailed as a ‘strong Gotabhaya’ among the Sinhalese. That is what elevated Gotabhaya, who has no previous political or administrative experience, to the post of President of Sri Lanka. Gotabhaya also benefited from the popularity of his elder brother, Prime Minister Mahinda Rajapaksa. Given the opportunity, the Rajapaksas grew up to strengthen their family rule. The Rajapaksas, who refused to listen to the voices of the opposition or the ruling party itself, were plunging the country into an unprecedented economic crisis and people in dire straits. It amended the constitution and concentrated its powers in the hands of the president. As a result of the Twentieth Amendment to the Constitution, all powers were concentrated in the hands of the President, with a focus on Parliament and the Cabinet itself. In modern democracies, the practice of giving verbal orders in a way that is not even heard of anywhere has come into effect. Taxes on corporate and affluent incomes were slashed. The money borrowed was spent on luxury construction and projects. The move, without finding other sources of revenue, has increased the country’s dependence on foreign debt. Debt repayments and interest payments continued unhindered without attempting to adjust loan repayments or approach international financial institutions, including the IMF, in the interest of the country’s financial security. The Central Bank of Sri Lanka has mitigated the currency notes to deal with the resulting financial crisis. It led to inflation and the financial crisis. The influx of enthusiasts into strategic places, including the central bank governor, has made such positions and institutions futile and meaningless.
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There are no shortcuts to the current economic and political crisis in Sri Lanka. In a turbulent Sri Lankan climate, anything less than a change of government will not be acceptable to the people or the opposition. No one would be willing to accept the Rajapaksas even in the concept of a national government. Whatever new governance system emerges, structural change will be inevitable. The Twentieth Amendment to the Constitution will have to be repealed and the prestige of Parliament restored. Will be forced to remove the president’s excessive powers. Financial institutions, including the IMF, will have to end their reliance on market debt, including the country’s debt. The need to make the appointments of heads of central banks and constitutional institutions democratic and transparent will be strong. The future of organic farming, which was implemented and failed by Gotabhaya and accelerated the collapse of the economy, needs to be carefully re-examined. The policy of relying on imports for almost all essential and daily necessities, including dairy products, and exporting all domestic products should be revised.
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In a government that is accountable to Parliament and the people for their actions, nothing less can be accepted by the people. One of the major contributions of the current crisis to Sri Lanka has been to bring the people into the mainstream of political life and to alleviate the racial, religious and linguistic differences that have existed between them. The future of the island nation will depend on the extent to which the democratic forces in Sri Lanka are able to sustain and nurture it. As an island nation, Sri Lanka inevitably avoids ties with foreign countries, including neighboring India. But the current crisis also provides the lesson that such relationships need to be unbalanced and free from vested interests.
