There is no end to the irrationality of Justice Minister Park Beom-gye. Minister Park is known to have ordered the invocation of the investigation command power to allow the prosecutor general to lead the investigation in the ‘Channel A case’ related to Prosecutor Han Dong-hoon (deputy director of the Judicial Research and Training Institute). In July 2020, Minister of Justice Choo Mi-ae stripped the then Prosecutor General Yoon Seok-yeol’s investigative authority in the Channel A case and made the Seoul Central Prosecutor’s Office independently investigate. When the investigation team of the Seoul Central District Prosecutors’ Office gave an 11th opinion of not accusing one prosecutor, it seems to be an intention to prevent this through President Kim. It deserves criticism as to whether the minister of the government, whose term of office has only a month left, is trying to forcefully exercise the investigation command for political purposes.
The Seoul Central District Prosecutors’ Office investigated this case for two years, but failed to prove the charges of a prosecutor who is considered to be a member of the presidential-elected president Yoon Seok-yeol. Nevertheless, Minister Park’s order to exercise the investigative authority once more is enough to raise suspicions that he is trying to damage President-elect Yoon. It is also in direct opposition to the promise of “abolition of the Justice Minister’s right to direct investigation” promoted by President-elect Yoon.
Since the founding of the country, the Minister of Justice’s right to command the investigation by the Prosecutor General has been exercised three times, including former Minister Choo twice and Minister Park once under the Moon Jae-in administration. In addition, Minister Park has even heard the stigma of ‘the Attorney General’ by undermining the legitimacy of the judiciary by invoking the investigation command to re-investigate the case of perjury by former Prime Minister Han Myung-sook, which was ruled by the Supreme Court.
This is not the only irrational number of Minister Park. He said that he would review the special prosecutor in Daejang-dong under the authority of the Minister of Justice. As the prosecution’s investigation into Daejang-dong was sluggish, I can’t help but doubt the intention to oppose every time the special prosecutor’s request came pouring in, but then suddenly changed his attitude following the presidential election. Rather than handing over the investigation into Daejang-dong to the Yoon Seok-yeol administration’s prosecution, it is read as an intention to launch and entrust a special prosecutor to suit the government’s taste.
That’s just the case with the ruling party claiming a permanent special prosecutor in Daejang-dong. In the permanent special prosecutor’s office, two candidates are recommended by the Candidate Recommendation Committee, and one is appointed by the president. If the Minister of Justice decides to introduce a permanent special prosecutor in consultation with the Prosecutor General, it will take only a few days for the president to appoint a special prosecutor. A special prosecutor may be launched before the end of the current government. If that happens, the special prosecutor at the end of the regime would be a fool to try to ‘build it’. How long will Minister Park continue to act once morest common sense?
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